[1] Zapotec chap. 11

 "By the late sixth century BC the Valley of Oaxaca stood in the threshold of a great transformation. It was about to witness the birth of an urban society, one of the New World's earliest. That society was to appear with startling rapidity and without precedent, having had no earlier urban societies after which to model itself…"
    "Simultaneous with this widespread abandonment of Etla villages came a rapid and unexpected surge of population into the former no-man's-land in the center of the Valley of Oaxaca…that mountain, known today as Monte Alban, rises 400 m above the plain of the Atoyac River…"
     "…Monte Alban appears to have been uninhabited…by roughly 200 BC, during late Monte Alban, it had a population estimated at 17,242 persons…by then 3 km of defensive wall were under construction along the more easily climbed western slopes of the mountain, while an acropolis of public buildings crowned the summit."
     "…thousands of Indians from the valley floor left their villages to relocate atop a rocky, previously unoccupied, virtually waterless mountain, forming the largest single community the valley had ever seen."
     "…during which whole groups of villages left their rural settings and came together to form a city where none had previously existed."
     "Winding 3 km along the western and northern boundaries of the early city is a wall of earth and stone some 15-20 m wide. Along a stretch called the Canada Norte it survives to a height of 4-5 m; south of this point there are places where it stands 9 m high."

[2] Zapotec chap. 10-11

"The Settlement Pattern Project has provided a skeletal outline of what happened. At the end of the Rosario phase, the population of the valley seems to have been divided into three chiefly societies of unequal size: a larger polity in the Etla subvalley (2000 persons) and two smaller polities in the Valle Grande (700-1000 persons) and Tlacolula subvalley (700-1000 persons). Those polities were separated by an 80-km2 no-man's- land whose most prominent landmark was an irregular 6-km2 mountain range. The disproportionately large size of each polity's major center- San Jose Mogote, San Martin Tilcajete, and Yeguih- suggests that each center was making an effort to attract and concentrate as much manpower as it could. Archaeological evidence from burned temples and sacrificed captives indicates that some or all of these polities were in competition with each other.
     At the end of the Rosario phase, an unexpected phenomenon occurred: San Jose Mogote, the largest community in the valley for more than 800 years, suddenly lost most of its population. While scattered barrios of farmers could still be found on adjacent piedmont spurs, the entire 40 ha ceremonial and elite residential core of the village was all but abandoned. Nor was San Jose Mogote the only Rosario village to lose population; it was soon joined by Tierras Largas, Fabrica San Jose, and other communities. Surveys reveal that half the Rosario phase villages whose occupation did not continue into the next period can be found in the southern portion of the Etla subvalley.
     Simultaneous with this widespread abandonment of Etla villages came a rapid and unexpected surge of population into the former no-man's-land in the center of the Valley of Oaxaca. The most striking example of this surge was a sudden and massive settlement atop the irregular 6 km2 sacred mountain already mentioned. The mountain, known today as Monte Alban, rises 400 m above the plain of the Atoyac River."

[3] TJS pg. 266-267

"FACTS ARE STUBBORN THINGS"

    From an extract from "Stephen's Incidents of Travel in Central America," it will be seen that the proof of the Nephites and Lamanites dwelling on this continent, according to the account in the Book of Mormon, is developing itself in a more satisfactory way than the most sanguine believer in that revelation could have anticipated. It certainly affords us a gratification that the world of mankind does not enjoy, to give publicity to such important developments of the remains and ruins of those mighty people.   
    When we read in the Book of Mormon that Jared and his brother came on to this continent from the confusion and scattering at the Tower, and lived here more than a thousand years, and covered the whole continent from sea to sea, with towns and cities; and that Lehi went down by the Red Sea to the great Southern Ocean, and crossed over to this land, and landed a little south of the Isthmus of Darien, and improved the country according to the word of the Lord, as a branch of the house of Israel, and then read such a goodly traditionary account as the one below, we can not but think the Lord has a hand in bringing to pass his strange act, and proving the Book of Mormon true in the eyes of all the people. The extract below, comes as near the real fact, as the four Evangelists do to the crucifixion of Jesus.—Surely "facts are stubborn things." It will be as it ever has been, the world will prove Joseph Smith a true prophet by circumstantial evidence, in experiments, as they did Moses and Elijah. Now read Stephen's story:
    "According to Fuentes, the chronicler of the kingdom of Guatemala, the kings of Quiche and Cachiquel were descended from the Toltecan Indians, who, when they came into this country, found it already inhabited by people of different nations. According to the manuscripts of Don Juan Torres, the grandson of the last king of the Quiches, which was in the possession of the lieutenant general appointed by Pedro de Alvarado, and which Fuentes says he obtained by means of Father Francis Vasques, the historian of the order of San Francis, the Toltecas themselves descended from the house of Israel, who were released by Moses from the tyranny of Pharaoh, and after crossing the Red Sea, fell into idolatry. To avoid the reproofs of Moses, or from fear of his inflicting upon them some chastisement, they separated from him and his brethren, and under the guidance of Tanub, their chief, passed from one continent to the other, to a place which they called the seven caverns, a part of the kingdom of Mexico, where they founded the celebrated city of Tula." (Sept. 15, 1842.)

[4] TJS pg. 267

    (SAME AS NOTE 3 ABOVE)

[5] Toltecs pg. 3-5

[6] Sorenson, 1992

[7] Helaman 4:7

[8] Alma 22:32

[9] Sierra Madre, pg. 70-74

[10] Sierra Madre, pg. 52-55

[11] Sierra Madre, pg. 74-79

[12] Utah pg. 79-80

[13] Kelley pg. 21-22

[14] Hancock pg. 28

[15] Sorenson estimates 9 to 70 miles per day for a small group and 9 to 25 miles a day for a moderate size group- but has examples of groups fairing much better with the right motivation; Sorenson pg. 393-397

"Multiplying examples would probably not change the picture noticeably.  My conclusion is that the cited examples yield these plausible ranges for a day's travel:
                            Individual:  9 to 100 miles
                            Small group:  9 to 70 miles
                            Moderate-sized group:  9 to 25 miles
And under extreme conditions (e.g., fear, flowing adrenlaine) the upper limits could be raised.  Obviously the lower limits could also be brought down if a leisurely pace is indicated.  (Again, keep in mind that these are ground miles; their relation to beeline mileage is very much dependent upon the nature of the terrain.)
    Under paricular Book of Mormon conditions, I consider these to be sensible examples:

• Alma and his group of families with herds, fleeing from pursuers, go from Mormon through mountainous country to Helem, slowing down after two days en route:  20 trail miles per day at first, then 15 per day; on the order of 70 miles on a straight-line.
• Ammons's group seeking teh Zeniffites travels 40 days from Zarahela up to Nephi through mountainous wilderness, wandering due to lack of route knowledge: four or five trail miles per day.

• It was a day and a half's travel for "a (presumably lone) Nephite" across the narrow neck of land which the forified: up to five miles per hour, that is, up to 180 miles, on the basis of rate alone. [But on the additional basis of use of the word "narrow," a figure approaching 180 miles is absurd; 100 seems not obsurd.]

[16] Mosiah 7:1-2, 4; 20:7; 28:1, 5; 29:3; Alma 17:8; 47:1

[17] Alma 22:33-34; 50:7

[18] Omni 1:12-13

[19] Chiapas #8, pg. 7

[20] Mosiah 9-22

[21] Chiapas #8, pg. 9

[22] Mosiah 24:7; Alma 47:1, 48:1-5

[23] Chiapas Artifacts, pg. 194-196

[24] 4 Nephi 1:1-2, 20, 35-39

[25] Chiapas Artifacts, pg. 196-202

[26] TJS pg. 267; T&S, September 15, 1842

         (SAME AS NOTE 3 ABOVE)

[27] Grolier, Earth, geological history of

[28] Grolier, Earth, geological history of

[29] Grolier, Triassic Period; Grolier, Jurassic Period; Utah pg. 5-6, 40-52

[30] Genesis 8:1-14; Abraham 1:23-24; Ether 2:5-7, 6:5-11, 13:2, 15:8

[31] Grolier: Cretaceous Period; Utah pg. 53

[32] Genesis 10:25; 11:18-19

[33] Grolier, Earth, Geological History of; Grolier, Cretaceous Period; Utah pg. 6-7, 53-60

[34] Underfoot pg. 6

[35] Utah pg. 7-10, 66-71; Grolier, Tertiary Period; North America A-1 pg. 5

[36] 3 Nephi 8:17

[37] Utah pg. 7-10, 66-71

[38] 3 Nephi 8:5-23; Helaman 14:21-27

[39] Utah pg. 7-10, 66-71; USGS Alaskan Volcanics, Canadian Volcanics, Cascade Volcanics, Western USA Volcanics, Yellowstone Caldera, National Parks & Monuments Volcanic Highlights

[40] Utah pg. 7-10, 66-71

[41] Grolier, Death Valley

[42] Utah pg. 7-10, 66-71; North America A-9 pg. 239-242, 248-249; Underfoot pg. 6, 88-99

[43] North America A-9 pg. 257, 262

[44] Geology pg. 285

[45] Grolier, Andes

[46] North America A-11 pg. 299-319

[47] North America A-11 pg. 301, 313

[48] Utah 7-10, 79-80; North America A-9 pg. 250, 253-256

[49] Utah pg. 79

[50] Utah pg. 8

[51] Utah pg. 10, 80-89

[52] Kelley pg. 21-22; Colima pg. 10 (Lamina 3); Ancient Mexico (Map at front of book); North America A-9 246-256

[53] North America A-9 257-260, 261-262

[54] Sierra Madre pg. 74-80, 104, 106-108

[55] Utah pg. 10

[56] Geology pg. 293

[57] Dixie pg. 26, 29, 42-45, 87, 93, 357; River pg. ES-4

[58] Earth pg. 400-401

[59] McGraw-Hill pg. 140-141; Prehistory pg. 13-16

People pg. 17:  "The conventional radiocarbon method depends on measurements of a beta-ray decay rate to date the sample.  Accelerator mass spectrometry allows radiocarbon dating to be carried out by direct counting of carbon radioactive disintegrations.  This method has the advantage of allowing very tiny samples to be dated, especially for the time period between 8000 BC and 30,000 years ago.  Accelerator dating distinguishes between carbon 14 and carbon 12 and other ions through its mass and energy characteristics. 
    Unfortunately, the rate which C14 is produced in the atmosphere has fluctuated considerably because of changes in the strength of the earth's magnetic field and alterations in solar activity.  By working with tree-ring chronologies from the long-lived California bristlecone pine and European oaks, a number fo C14 laboratories have agreed on correction tables for C14 dates between radiocarbon and calibrated dates differ widely, but a typical adjustment is that for 10 B.C +/- 30, which has a calibrated interval of 145 BC to AD 210."

[60] McGraw-Hill pg. 140-142; Prehistory pg. 13-16

People pg. 17:  (SAME AS NOTE 59 ABOVE)

[61] McGraw-Hill pg. 142

[62] McGraw-Hill pg. 142

[63] Biology pg. 27

[64] Grolier: Earth, geomagnetic field of

[65] McGraw-Hill pg. 141

[66] Biology of Plants, pg. 197

[67] Zoology, pg. 48

[68] Underfoot pg. 4-6; Grolier, Earth, Geological History of; Grolier, Cretaceous Period; Utah pg. 1-10, 53-60, 94-103; Geology pg. 329-332

[69] Utah pg. 7-10, 66-89

[70] McGraw-Hill pg. 142

[71] Noble pg. 265-266

[72] Evolution pg. 461

[73] Genesis 11:1-9; Ether 1:5, 33

[74] Evolution pg. 461

[75] Ether 1:33, 6:16

[76] Prehistory pg. 61-64

    " The PaleoIndians represented in the Western sites are broken into three sequent groups that are given culture names. The earliest is the Clovis, next comes the Folsom, and the latest is the Plano. Several slightly later Eastern complexes can be correlated, on topologic grounds, with the Clovis and Folsom divisions, and the Plano is represented in some places."

[77] Ether 7:11 (7:1-9:1)

[78] Prehistory pg. 82 (81-94, 100-104)

     "Some of these speculations are reasonable. Proof of the mating network isolates is probably distant, but the evidence for a dynamic environment, where floral change was rapid and the accompanying faunal distribution was fluid is convincing. The absence of tundra would mean no huge migrating herds of caribou…Deberet and Vail, however, because of their extreme northern location, would probably still have been harvesting herd caribou. The shifting of recourses would lead to the suggested loose and fluid settlement pattern, or at least to a far ranging hunting pattern, possibly out of a base camp."

[79] Prehistory pg. 94-97

[80] ibid.

[81] ibid.

[82] Bull Brook1 pp. 343-51; Bull Brook2 pp. 274-76

[83] Prehistory pg. 94-97

[84] ibid.

[85] ibid.

[86] Ether 9:1-13

[87] Ether 9:17-19, 26 (14-29)

[88] Prehistory pg. 104-113, 120-124 (81-113, 120-124)

[89] ibid.

[90] Ether 9:18 (underline added)

[91] Prehistory pg. 104-113, 120-124 (81-113, 120-124); Grolier 1997, Bison

     "Important data relevant to the Plainview-or at least to unfluted Folson-comes from the Bonfire Shelter location in the Armistad Reservoir in Texas. It is a cave location kill site with three sealed layers of bone. Two of the bone beds yielded bison. Bed 2 contained an extinct form, either Antiquus or Occidentails, and is radiocarbon dated at 10,250 B.P. Bed 3, dated at about 2800 B.P., of course contained modern bison. Plainview or Midland and Folsom points were recovered from bed 2. This location is an important one, in that it extends the range of two or three diagnostic projectile types much farther south.
     There are several named complexes and cultures to be described, but the shared criteria are simple and well known. The stage began when the most available big game was a series of now-extinct species: mammoth, long-horned bison, camel, and horse.
     At both sites Clovis fluted points were in directs association with mammoth remains. At Lehener other extinct creatures- horse, bison, and tapir- were represented.
     Southeast Arizona may come to be known as "mammoth country" in view of two other locations, Murray Springs and Escapule, quite near the Lehener-Naco sites. At Murray Springs recent sediments sealed parts of two mammoth along with extinct bison, horse, camel, and wolf."

[92] Prehistory pg. 104-113, 120-124 (81-113, 120-124)

[93] Prehistory pg. 104-113, 120-124 (81-113, 120-124); Zoology 1993 pg. 761

[94] Prehistory pg. 104-113, 120-124 (81-113, 120-124)

     "Important data relevant to the Plainview-or at least to unfluted Folson-comes from the Bonfire Shelter location in the Armistad Reservoir in Texas. It is a cave location kill site with three sealed layers of bone. Two of the bone beds yielded bison. Bed 2 contained an extinct form, either Antiquus or Occidentails, and is radiocarbon dated at 10,250 B.P. Bed 3, dated at about 2800 B.P., of course contained modern bison. Plainview or Midland and Folsom points were recovered from bed 2. This location is an important one, in that it extends the range of two or three diagnostic projectile types much farther south.
     There are several named complexes and cultures to be described, but the shared criteria are simple and well known. The stage began when the most available big game was a series of now-extinct species: mammoth, long-horned bison, camel, and horse.
     At both sites Clovis fluted points were in directs association with mammoth remains. At Lehener other extinct creatures- horse, bison, and tapir- were represented.
     Southeast Arizona may come to be known as "mammoth country" in view of two other locations, Murray Springs and Escapule, quite near the Lehener-Naco sites. At Murray Springs recent sediments sealed parts of two mammoth along with extinct bison, horse, camel, and wolf."

[95] Prehistory pg. 104-113, 120-124 (81-113, 120-124)

     "At the earlier sites perishable items were largely missing. Bones of the basic focal prey, if there were any, were not preserved, and there was no hint of vegetable foods. However, an early study of PaleoIndian sites in the southern Plains mentions the finding of seeds and evidence of storage.
     The full list of species, presumably food sources, from both excavated sites and caves is almost endless. It includes large mammals such as deer, elk, and black bear and smaller ones such as woodchuck, beaver, and porcupine. Turkey, trumpeter swan, and ruffled grouse were common, as were box turtle and catfish. Vegetal foods included several species of nuts and the edible seed grasses."

[96] Scientific America pg. 32-34

[97] Prehistory pg. 104-113, 120-124 (81-113, 120-124)

     "There have been scattered reports of mastodon and artifact associations east of the Plains, but the data have been inadequate or flawed in one way or another so that none have been fully accepted."

Zapotec pg. 41-48: "Two of the more exciting kill sites of this era were found at Santa Isabel Iztapan in the Basin of Mexico. The animals butchered were imperial mammoths, Pleistocene elephants native to the New World but extinct since the Ice Age. Both mammoths had either been chased into the muck around the edge of a Pleistocene lake, or had become mired there on their own, reducing their mobility and allowing the hunters to spear them.
     The deepest four levels of that cave were "living floors" from a series of camps, probably made between 12,000 and 9000 BC The campers, belonging to a period known as Early Ajuereado, had left behind 1200 identifiable bones from fifteen species of mammals, reptiles, and birds. There were remains of extinct Pleistocene horse; pronghorn antelope, red fox, and Texas gopher tortoise, none of which live in the area today; more than 700 bones of rabbits; and abundant smaller species such as skunk, ground squirrel, wood rat, quail, and others. Not a single mammoth bone was found."

[98] Ice Age pg. 179-180

[99] Prehistory pg. 58-59; World Book pg. 42-55; Diffusion pg. 6

     "Mention of mega fauna always raises the question of extinction. Why are there no mega fauna left? This reasonable query remains unanswered, but it has been the subject of much speculation. One favorite commonsense explanation is that changing climates and vegetation altered the regional ecology so greatly that the habitat no longer favored several species. Reduction or disappearance of the late Wisconsin precipitation would have rapidly reduced the amount of coarse grasses and reeds available for the bands of Pleistocene elephant (mammoth). That species could not adapt to a plains or desert ecobase; evidently the elephant population dwindled and disappeared in the West by about 11,200 B.P. The long-horned bison held on longer, but they, too, were gone by about 9500-9000 B.P.
     Another explanation is again a biological one. In the face of the postulated worsening climate and result increased stress the elephants may have dropped below the critical biological mass. In this view a deteriorating environment would endure the disappearance of the species at a very rapid rate because it would lead to a minus birth rate. Disease has also been invoked as a cause. But the perennial favorite is that perennial favorite is that the human hunter, history's most efficient predator, administered the coup de grace in a phenomenon called overkill. This means merely that regardless of environment the kill rate exceeded the regenerative capacity of the species. If all or some of the other causes cited above were operative, the overkill toll exerted could well have been the final push to extinction."

[100] Prehistory pg. 58-59

     "Mention of mega fauna always raises the question of extinction. Why are there no mega fauna left? This reasonable query remains unanswered, but it has been the subject of much speculation. One favorite commonsense explanation is that changing climates and vegetation altered the regional ecology so greatly that the habitat no longer favored several species. Reduction or disappearance of the late Wisconsin precipitation would have rapidly reduced the amount of coarse grasses and reeds available for the bands of Pleistocene elephant (mammoth). That species could not adapt to a plains or desert ecobase; evidently the elephant population dwindled and disappeared in the West by about 11,200 B.P. The long-horned bison held on longer, but they, too, were gone by about 9500-9000 B.P.
     Another explanation is again a biological one. In the face of the postulated worsening climate and result increased stress the elephants may have dropped below the critical biological mass. In this view a deteriorating environment would endure the disappearance of the species at a very rapid rate because it would lead to a minus birth rate. Disease has also been invoked as a cause. But the perennial favorite is that perennial favorite is that the human hunter, history's most efficient predator, administered the coup de grace in a phenomenon called overkill. This means merely that regardless of environment the kill rate exceeded the regenerative capacity of the species. If all or some of the other causes cited above were operative, the overkill toll exerted could well have been the final push to extinction."

[101] Fossil Snakes pg. 1, 311-313

[102] Ether 9:30-35

[103] Ether 10:25

[104] Prehistory pg. 124-193

[105] Prehistory pg. 124-193

[106] ibid.

[107] ibid.

[108] Ether 10:19-20

[109] Zapotec pg. 49-63

     "Lewis Binford has suggested that most hunting-gathering societies occupy a position along a continuum from "foraging" to "collecting". Foragers, the most mobile, travel to where the food is, and their pattern of settlement becomes dispersed or aggregated as resources become dispersed or aggregated.
     At certain times, however, these dispersed family bands came together to form larger "macroband" camps of 15-25 persons. Since the antelopes and jackrabbits of the late Ice Age were no longer abundant, these larger camps were not made for communal hunting drives. Instead, they were made for harvesting seasonally abundant plants found in the denser post-Pleistone vegetation."

[110] Ether 10:23

[111] Prehistory pg. 124-193

[112] Ether 10:24

[113] Prehistory pg. 124-193

[114] Ether 10:25

[115] Prehistory pg. 124-193

[116] Ether 10:27

[117] Prehistory pg. 124-193

[118] Helaman 3:5-7, 9-10

[119] Prehistory pg. 124-193; Mysteries pg. 256

[120] Alma 37:21-32; Ether 8:18-21

[121] Ether 15:7-11 (7-32); Hancock pg. 28; Cowdery pg. 158-159; Pratt pg. 390-394; Fielding, Sept 10, 1938

[122] Prehistory pg. 141, 143

     "The best known and last of the northeastern Archaic phases is the Orient. The Orient also had limited distribution in New Jersey, Long Island, upstate New York, and Massachusetts. Because the known sites are mostly cemetery locations, little is known of the day-to-day life. The burials were cremated, as in some other northeastern Archaic cultures, so the grave goods are the only source of information. The graves were deep pits sprinkled with red ocher. Grave goods included distinct, "fish-tailed" points, defaced and killed steatite bowls, and gorgets."

[123] Ether 13:15- Ether 15:34

[124] Prehistory pg. 141, 143

     "The best known and last of the northeastern Archaic phases is the Orient. The Orient also had limited distribution in New Jersey, Long Island, upstate New York, and Massachusetts. Because the known sites are mostly cemetery locations, little is known of the day-to-day life. The burials were cremated, as in some other northeastern Archaic cultures, so the grave goods are the only source of information. The graves were deep pits sprinkled with red ocher. Grave goods included distinct, "fish-tailed" points, defaced and killed steatite bowls, and gorgets."

[125] Prehistory pg. 141, 143, 173, 340

     "In western California, there was evidently a much greater concern with the dead. Many were buried in mounds, others in extensive cemeteries. An analysis of the grave goods of these many cemeteries has led some scholars to suggest that there was in California a social complexity quite unlike the simple egalitarian societies usually posited for most of the western Arachaic and quite at variance with the simple and relatively stable technology the archaeology reveals.
     Burial, Bundle: Reburial of defleshed and disarticulated bones tied or wrapped together in a bundle."

[126] Omni 1:21-22; Mosiah 8:7-11, 21:26-27; Alma 22:30

[127] Talmage pg. 456-457 quoting G. Elliot Smith; Science; vol. 44, pp. 190-195; August 11, 1916

[128] Talmage pg. 456-457

[129] Groleir 1997 “Indians, American (II)”; Diffusion pg. 5

[130] TJS 1976 pg. 267

   SAME AS NOTE 3 ABOVE

[131] Diffusion chart 12, 13 (12-22)

[132] TJS pg. 266-267 quoting Stephens, John Lloyd; Incidents of Travel in Central America; 1841

[133]    Mokaya pg. 35; Diffusion pg. 3-4, and chart 12, 13 (12-22); Tula pg. 21-22

Zapotec pg. 67-69: "Some time between 1900 and 1400 BC, the Indians of the Tehuacan and Oaxaca Valleys began to make undecorated buff-to-brown pottery in a few simple shapes: hemispherical bowls, globular jars with necks, globular jars without necks. Most of the shapes look like pottery imitations of gourd vessels."

Mexico pg. 41-58:  "In the late nineteenth century, there was really no idea at all of the sequence of developmental in pre-Spanish Mexico.  Of course, everyone knew perfectly well that the Aztecs were quite late, and that the Aztecs had spoken of an earlier people called the Toltecs.  There was also a vague feeling that the great ruins fo Teotihuacan were somehow the products of an even earlier people- but that was about all.  Imagine the delight, then, of Mexican antiquarians when there began to appear in their collections little hadmade clay figurines, of naive and amusing style totally removed from that of the moldmade products of later peoples in the Valley of Mexico.  Most astonishing was their obvious antiuity, for some had been recovered from deposits underlying the Pedregal, the lava covering much of the southwestern part of the Valley.  Scholars, prone to labels, immediately named the culture which had produced the figurines and the very abundant pottery associated with it 'Archaic,' and in 1911 and 1912 Manuel Gamio demonstrated stratigraphically that the central Mexican sequence runs from earliest to latest: 'Archaic,' Teotihuacan, Aztec."

Maya pg. 46-49:  "From a technological point of view, the most signifcant innovation was the invention or introduction of pottery, which appears at the beginning of the Barra phase at about 1800 BC.  Although Barra ceramics may well be the oldest in Mesoamerica, they are remarkable sophistication and beauty.  They largely consist of thin-walled, neckless jars (called tecomates by archaeologists), the remainder comprising deep bowls.  Vessel sufaces include monchomes, bichroms, and trichomes, and have been manipultaed by the potter by grooving, incising, and modeling
    As Clark and Blake make clear, these were not mere cooking vessels; based on forms and decoration of gourd prototypes, they wer more likely containers for liquids and foods used during rituals.  Then how did they cook?  Quantities of fire-cracked rock indicate that the technique was stone-boiling: rocks were heated, then dropped into water contained in water-proofed baskets."

[134]  71-75; Diffusion pg. 3-4; Chiapas Artifacts pg. 192; Tula pg. 21-22

Zapotec pg. 71-75:  "Agriculture may have begun simply as one of a number of Archaic strategies, designed to give foragers more kilograms of food with less travel and harvest time. Eventually, however, selection led to domestic varieties of squash that were larger, produced more seeds, and had good-tasting flesh. It also led to beans that had larger and more water-soluble seeds, as well as tough, limp pods- much easier to harvest than the explosive, corkscrew pods of the wild bean, which can shatter to contact and scatter the seeds.
     Eventually agriculture became an almost irreversible process, since the newly created domestic races could not survive without human assistance, and the humans in turn were beginning to rely more and more on the domestic races. In time, the increased effort put into agriculture took time away from the collecting of certain wild plants. As the use of squash and beans increased near Guila Naquitz, for example, the use of mesquite pods also increased, while the use of acorns, pinon nuts, susi nuts, and hackberry declined.
     Of all of Mexico's Archaic crops, however, none had a greater impact than maize or Indian corn (Zea mays). From its humble beginning as a wild grass with hard-to-process and relatively unappetizing seeds, maize was eventually transformed into the staple crop of Mexican civilization."

Mexico pg. 38, 41-58:  "The revived dispute has been largely settled.  The Tehuacan cobs were those of pod corn, and archaeological and botanic evidence shows that annual teosinte never could have been their progenitor.  On the other hand, perennial teosinte must have crossed at a very early date with pod corn to produce annual teosinte and perhaps the ancestral forms of domestic maize.  The controversy, nevertheless, may be of more intrest to plant geneticists than to students of ancient Mexican culture, for the important point to remember is the world's most productive domesticated plant had now come under human control; the process of domestication, in MacNeish's present way of thinking, took place somewhere in the Puebla-Oaxaca region during 7000 to 5000 BC time period.
    By the following San Jose phase (1300-1200 BC), San Jose Mogote, located in the Elta arm of the Valley 6 1/4 miles northwest of Monte Alban, had grown into a village of 80 to 120 households covering about 50 acres, with an estimated population of 400 to 600 persons.  Carbonized seeds recovered by the flotation method show that a number of crops were raised, probably on the high alluvium: maize, chilie peppers, squashes, and possibley the avocado (although this may have been traded in from the lowlands).  Our old friend teosinte grew in cornfields and crossed with local maize, either by accident or design."

Maya pg. 46-49:  "The Early Preclassic begins in Soconusco about 1800 BC, and is marked by profound changes in settlement pattern, susistence, technology, and even society.  During this period, which lasted until about 1000 BC, settlements were located further inland, and consisted of real villages, occupied throuhout the year.  Significantly, they wer placed next to a series of bajos- old stream channels or oxbow lakes- which flooded during the rainy season.  As they dried up, fish became concentrated in these and could be easily taken; at the height of the dry season, as archaeologists John Clark and Micheal Blake have noted, the bajos could have served as sunken fields for agriculture, as they retained enough moisture for a third corn crop to be raised in addition to the two that are normal for the Soconusco plain.
    What crop or crops were being grown to support these developments?  Maize cobs are found in Soconusco sites beginning about 1700 BC, but these are from small and not very productive ears; further, carbon pathway analysis of human skeletal material has shown that maize was not very important in the diet of these Early Preclassic villagers.  Gareth Lowe, of the New World Archaelological Foundation, and myself once speculated that they might have been relying on manioc or cassava, an ancient root cap of the New World tropics, rather than maize, but the evidence for this remains elusive, and the case is unproven."

[135]  Mediterranean pg. 65; Neolithic pg. 42-44

Zapotec pg. 71-75: "On the site chosen for the village, individual families built houses for themselves. These houses were made of pine posts brought down from the mountains, and had roofs thatched with reeds or grasses. The walls were constructed of bundles of canes lashed together, then plastered over with clay in the architectural style called "wattle-and-daub." Over the simple, stamped-earth floor went a layer of river sand to provide a dry surface, and perhaps a reed mat or two to sleep on. Near the house, each family dug storage pits for its harvested maize. Larger than the pits seen at Guila Naquitz, these storage units could have held up to a metric ton on shelled corn, or a year's supply for a family of 4-5."

Mexico pg. 41-58: "Houses were rectangular and about 20 ft (6 m) long, with slightly sunken floors of clay covered with river sand.  The sides of vertical canes between wooden posts, and were daubed with mud, and white-washed; roofs were thatched.
    Food stoarge was probably the main function of the bell-shaped pits which here, as elsewhere in Preclassic Mesoamerica, are associated with household clusters.  Many could have held a metric ton of maize, and if capped with a flat rock, might have inhibibted insect growth through the lack of oxygen.  As they 'soured' or otherwise lost their usefulness for preservation of household items and implements, or for refuse disposal, or even as burial places.
    Settled by about 1300 BC, Tlatilco was a very large village (or small town) sprawling over about 160 acres.  Located to the west of the great lake on a small stream, it was not very far removed from the lakeshore where fishing and the snaring of birds could be pursued.  In the Tlatilco refuse are aramdillo, opossum, wild turkey, bears, frogs, rabbits, fish, ducks, and turtles. Conspicuously present in those parts of the site actually excavated by archaeologists were the outlines of underground, bell-shaped pits.  They were filled with dark earth, charcoal, ashes, figurine and pottery fragments, animal bones, and lumps of burned clay from the walls fo pole-and-thatch houses; as in Oaxaca, they must have served originally for the storage of grain belonging to various households."

[136] ; Zapotec pg. 71-75; Chiapas Burials; Mediterranean pg. 65; Neolithic pg. 42-44

Mexico pg. 41-58:  "No less than 340 burials were uncovered by archaeologists at Tlatilco, but there must have been many hundreds more destroyed by brickworkers (sometimes at the instigation of unscrupulous collectors).  All these were extended skeletons accompanied by the most lavish offerings, especially by figurines which only rarely appear as buiral furniture in Preclassic Mexico."

[137] Omni 1:14-17

[138]Zapotec pg. 71-75

 "While the Early Archaic occupants of the Valley of Oaxaca did not lie ate the extreme of either continuum, they can be described as "foragers" because they changed residence several times during the year, traveling to where the recourses were most abundant. They also spent parts of the years in "microbands" of 4-6 persons, made up of both men and women. These small groups were probably analogous to the family collecting bands of the Paiute and Shoshone Indians of the western United States, who accepted the risk at the family level.
     At certain times, however, these dispersed family bands came together to form larger "macroband" camps of 15-25 persons. Since the antelopes and jackrabbits of the late Ice Age were no longer abundant, these larger camps were not made for communal hunting drives. Instead, they were made fro harvesting seasonally abundant plants found in the denser post-Pleistoncene vegetation."

Mexico pg. 45-46:  "Survey and excavations carried out by the Michigan archaeologists have identified 17 permanent settlements of the Tierras Largas phase (1600-1300 BC), but almost all of these are little more than hamlets of ten or fewer households; the largest settlement in the Valley of Oaxaca at that time was San Jose Mogote, which ranked as a small village of about 150 persons, sharing a lime-plastered public building.  The villagers grew maize and cultivated avacados, collected wild plant foods, and hunted deer, cottontail rabbits, and other game."

[139] Diffusion pg. 1-5; Mokaya pg. 34-35; Barra pg. 9-10, 21, 29, 33; Ancient Maya pg. 54

Mexico pg. 50:   "There was great excitment in archaeological circles when the Tlatilco complex came to light, for something resembling it was already known elsewhere- thousands of miles to the south, in Peru.  There also, in the very earliest civilization of the South American continent, the Chavin culture, were found such odd pottery shapes as stirrup spouts and long-necked bottles, associated with unusual techniques like rocker-samping and red-filled excising, as well as roller seals, figurines of Mexican appearance and split-face dualism.  A chance resemblance or not?
    Early editions of this book leaned heavily toward the idea, reminiscent of the old Spinden hypothosis, that such resemblances were the result of Mexican intrusion on the north coast of Peru, but this now seems unlikely.  There is an overwhelming body of evidence which points to an indepnedent evolution of ceremonial architecture, art, and therefore civilization in Peru.  Further, if there were intercontinental diffusion at such and early time, it might well have been cultural spread to both areas from the lowland Pacific coastal area of Ecuador, where such indications of settled life as large villages, ceramics, and maize agriculture extend back beyond 3000 BC.  Two finds in western Mexico suggest that such was the case.  At the site of Capacha, in Colima, Isabel Kelly unearthed grave goods dating to about 450 BC which emphasize pottery bottles and stirrup spouts, and which unmistakably point to an Equadorian origin; and an elaborate tomb in El Openo, in Michoacan, has very similar ceramics with a radiocarbon date of about 1300 BC."

[140] 2 Nephi 5:1-8

[141] 2 Nephi 5:9-34, Jacob 1:1-14; Enos 1:13-24; Jarom 1:6-14; Omni 1:1-11

[142] Chiapas Artifacts pg. 192; Mokaya pg. 40

[143] There are various quotes in the Times and Seasons, typically associated with the book Stephen’s Incidents in Travels in Central America, which credit the raise of civilization in Mesoamerica to the Nephites and from there to North America (see also Sorenson pg. 371-390).

[144] Chiapas Excavations pg. 1-4

[145] Diffusion chart 10, 15, 17-19, 21-23; Grolier, Indians, American (II)

Mexico pg. 50:  "On the other hand, it is certain that domestic maize was transmitted to Peru from the north, and only a few South American specialists are opposed to the idea that Early Formative (Preclassic) incongraphy- focused upon the awesome images of the jaguar, cayman, and harpy eagle- was shared through diffusion between the two ideas.  It must be admitted, however, that the conlusive evidence bearing on this most important problem of long-range diffusion in the hemisphere has yet to be gathered.
    No mention has yet been made of another curious element in the burial offerings of Tlatilco, namely, the distinct presence of a strange art style known to have originated at the same time in the swampy jungles of the Gulf Coast.  This style, called 'Olmec,' was produced by the first civilization of Mesoamerica, and its weird inconoraphy which often combined the lineaments of a snarling jaguar with that of a baby is unmistakably apparent in many of the figurines and in much of the pottery.  The great expert on the pre-Spanish art of Mexico, Miguel Covarrubias, reasoned that the obviously greater wealth and social superiority of the Tlatilco people over their more simple contemporaries in the Valley of Mexico were the result of an influx of Olmec arstocrats from the eastern lowlands.  This may possibly have been so, but it is equally that these villagers were a favorably placed people under heavy influence from 'missionaries' spreading the Olmec faith, without a necessary movement of populations."

[146] 2 Nephi 5:34 (21-25, 34) ; Jacob 7:24; Enos 1:20; Jarom 1:6-9

[147] Mokaya pg. 25-45; Barra pg. 10

Maya pg. 46-49:  "If conditions before 1000 BC were less than optimum for the spread fo effective village farming except for the Pacific littoral, in the following centuries the reverse must have been true.  Heavy populations, all with pottery and most of them probably Mayan-speaking, began to establish themselves in both highlands and lowlands during the Middle Preclassic period, which lasted until about 300 BC.  In only one instance do we have the remains suggesting that these were anything more than simple peasants: there was no writing, little that could be called architecture, and hardly any development of art.  In fact, nothing but a rapidly mounting population would make us think that the Maya in this period were much different from their immediate ancestors."

[148] 2 Nephi 5:21-25; Enos 1:20; Jarom 1:6

[149] Mokaya pg. 25-45; Barra pg. 10

Maya pg. 46-49:  (SAME AS NOTE 147 ABOVE)

[150] Mokaya pg. 25-45; Barra pg. 10

Maya pg. 46-49:  (SAME AS NOTE 147 ABOVE)
"Numerous shell middens located in the mangrove-lined estuaries seem to represent seasonal occupation by somewhat mobile, non-farming groups that largely subsisted upon hunting and fishing."

[151] Mokaya pg. 25-45; Barra pg. 10

Maya pg. 46-49: 

[152] Mokaya pg. 25-45; Barra pg. 10

Maya pg. 46-49:  "

[153] 2 Nephi 5:34 (21-25, 34) ; Jacob 7:24; Enos 1:20; Jarom 1:6-9

[154] Gods and Symbols pg. 59-60, 111-112, 183-184

[155] Enos 1:20; Jarom 1:6-9

[156] Mokaya pg. 25-45; Barra pg. 10

Maya pg. 46-49: 

[157] 2 Nephi 5:34 (21-25, 34) ; Jacob 7:24; Enos 1:20; Jarom 1:6-9

[158] Mokaya pg. 25-45; Barra pg. 10

Maya pg. 46-49:  "Barra also marks the beginning of fired clay figurens in Mesoamerica, a tradition that was to continue throughout the Preclassic.  These objects, generally feamle, were made by the thousands in many later Preclassic villages of both Mexio and the Maya area, while nobody is exactly sure of their meaning, it is genneraly thought that they had something to do with the fertility of crops, in much the same way as did the Mother Goddess figurines of Neolithic and Bronze Age Europe."

[159] Omni 1:12-19; Mosiah 2:1-8

[160]  Chiapas Artifacts pg. 192; Tula pg. 22

Zapotec pg. 92: "When discovered intact, the aforementioned pits were filled with powdered lime, perhaps stored for use with a ritual plant such as wild tobacco, jimson weed, or morning glory. At the time of the Spanish Conquest, both the Zapotec and the Mixtec used wild tobacco mixed with lime during their rituals. The Zapotec belived that it had curative powers and could increase physical strength, making it an appropriate drug to use before rituals.
     We do not belive that anyone actually lived in these buildings, which were swept virtually clean. Thus they cannot be compared to buildings like the New Guinea katiam, where some senior males actually reside. We see them as limited access structures where a small number of fully initiated men could assemble to plan raids or hunts, carry out agricultural rituals, smoke or ingest sacred plants, and/or communicate with the spirits. While no bones or relics of the ancestors were found in these small white buildings, it is perhaps significant that two of our seated burials of middle-aged men found nearby."

Mexico pg. 43-50:  Survey and excavations carried out by the Michigan archaeologists have identified 17 permanent settlements of the Tierras Largas phase, but almost all of these are little more than hamlets of ten or fewer households; the largest settlement in the Valley of Oaxaca at the time was San Jose Mogote, which ranked as a small village of about 150 persons, sharing a lime-plastered public building.   

[161] Omni 1:12-13

[162] Chiapas #8 pg. 7, 13; Chiapas Burials pg. 66

[163] Chiapas #8 pg. 7-9; Chiapas Burials pg. 66-68; Chiapas Artifacts pg. 192

[164] Omni 1:27-30; Mosiah 9:1-9

[165] Chiapas #8 pg. 2-3, 7-9; Chiapas Burials pg. 66-68; Chiapas Artifacts pg. 193-194

[166] Mosiah 9-10

[167] Chiapa #8 pg. 2

[168] Mosiah 11:1-15

[169] Chiapas #10 pg. 5; Chiapas Burials pg. 66-68; Chiapas Artifacts pg. 192-194

[170] Mosiah 11, 19-20, 23:25-24:9

[171] Chiapas Burials pg. 68-71; Chiapas Artifacts pg. 192-194; Ancient Maya pg. 55-61;  

Zapotec pg. 92: "Finally, we are struck by our current lack of evidence for similar public buildings on the Gulf Coast of southern Veracruz and Tabasco. Thirty years ago that coastal plain, sometimes referred to as the Olmec region, was labeled "precocious" in its social evolution. The last two decades have shown that view to be partly true, partly hyperbole, and partly the result of our previous ignorance of Chiapas and Oaxaca. There were indeed villages in the Olmec region between 1400 and 1200 BC, but their pottery has recently been described as a "country-cousin version" of the more sophisticated ceramics at contemporary sites on the Chiapas Coast."

Mexico pg. 62:  "In contradiction to this hypothesis, some compelling evidence has been advanced by the linguists Lyle Campbell and Terence Kaufman strongly suggesting that the Olmecs spoke an ancestral form of Mixe-Zoquean.  There are a large number of Mixe-Zoquean loan words, such as pom ('copan incense'), associated with high-status activities and ritual typical of early civilization.  Although the dominant language of the Olmec area was until recently a form of Nahua, this is generally believed to be a relatively late arrival; on the other hand, Popoloca, a member of the Mixe-Zoquean family, is still spoken along the eastern slopes of the Tuxtla Mountains, in the very region from which the Olmec obtained the basalt for their monuments.  Since the Olmec wer the great, early, culture-bearing force in Mesoamerica, the case for Mixe-Zoquean is very strong."

Maya pg. 63:  "Who might have they been?  It will be remembered from Chapter 1 that the most likely candidate for the language of the Olmecs was an early form of Mixe-Zoquean; languages belonging to this group are still spoken on the Isthmus of Tehuantapec and in western Chiapas.  Many scholars are now willing to ascribe the earliest Long Count monumnets outside the Maya area prope to Mixe-Zoquean as well, adn a recent dicovery in southern Veracruz may provide confirmation.  This is Stela I from La Majarra, a magnificent monumnet inscribed with two Bak'tun 8 dates corresponding repectively to AD 143 and 156.  These are accompanied by a text of about 400 signs, in a script which is now called "Isthmian."

[172] Mosiah 23:1-20

[173]  Grolier, San Lorenzo; Zapotec pg. 92, 118

Mexico pg. 66-70:  "San Lorenzo had first been settled about 1700 BC, perhaps by Mixe-Zoqueans from Soconusco, but by 1500 BC had become thoroughly Olmec.  At its height, some of the most magnificent and awe-inspiring sculptures ever discovered in Mexico were fashioned without the benefit of metal tools.
    In his work at San Lorenzo, Stirling had encoutered trough-shaped basalt stones which he hypothesized were fitted end-to-end to form a kind of aqueduct.  In 1997, we acutally came across and excavated such a system in situ.  This deeply buried drain line was in the southwestern portion of the site, and consisted of 560 ft of laboriously pecked-out stone troughs fitted with basalt covers; three subsidiary lines met it from above at intervals.  We have reason to believe that a drain system symmetrical to this exists on the southeastern side of San Lorenzo, and that both served periodically to remove the water from cermonial pools on the surface of the plateau.  Evidence fro drains has been found at other Olmec centers, such as La Venta and Laguna de los Cerros, and must have been a feature of Olmec ritual life."

[174] Mosiah 24:8-15

[175] Mexico pg. 66-70; Zapotec pg. 118-119; Ancient Maya pg. 57

[176] Mosiah 24:1-7; Alma 21:1-2 (1-13)

[177] Mokaya pg. 38-43; Mexico 60-81

Maya pg. 55:  "In the southeastern corner of the Central Area, the pioneers who first settled in the rich valley surrounding the ancient city of Copan had other roots.  Towards the end of the Early Preclassic, village cultures all along the Pacific littoral as far as El Salvador had become "Olmec-ized," a tradition that was to continue into the Middle Preclassic, and that was to be manifested in carved ceramics of Olmec type and even in Olmec stone monuments.  This Olmec-like wave even penetrated the Copan Valley, during the Middle Preclassic Uir phase (900-400 BC), with the sudden appearance of pottery bowls incised and carved with such Olmec motifs as the paw-wing and the so-called "flame-eyebrows."  In a deep layer of an outlying suburb of teh Classic city, William Fash discovered a Uir phase burial accompanied by Olmecoid ceramics, 9 polished stone cells, and over 300 drilled jade objects.  Although the rest of the Maya lowlands seems to have been a little interest to the Olmec peoples, the Copan area definitely was."

[178] Mosiah 11, 20:1-5; 21:20-21; 23:25-39; 24:1-12

[179]   Maya pg. 50; Mysteries pg. 136

Mexico pg. 60-81:  "In its heyday, the site must have been vastly impressive, for different colored clays were used for floors, and the sided of platforms were painted in solid colors of red, yellow, and purple.  Scattered in the plazas fronting these rainbow-hued structures were a large number of monuments sculptured from basalt.  Outstanding among these are the Colossal Heads, of which four were found at La Venta.  Large stelae (tall, flat monuments) of the same material were also present.  Particularly outstanding is Stela 3, dubbed 'Uncle Sam' by archaeologists.  On it, two elaborately garbed men face each other, both wearing fantasitic headdresses.  The figure on the right has a long, aquiline nose and a goatee.  Over the two float chubby were-jaguars brandishing war clubs.  Also typical are teh so-called 'altars.'  The finest is Altar 5, on which the central figure emerges from the niche holding a jaguar-baby in his arms; on the sides, four subsidiary adult figures hold other little were-jaguars, who are squalling and gesticulating in a lively manner.  As usual, their heads are cleft, and mouths drawn in the Olmec snarl.
    The Early Preclassic sculptures of San Lorezo include eight Colossal Heads of great distinction.  These are up to 9 ft 4 in in height and weigh many tons; it is believed that they are all portraits of mighty Olmec rulers, with flat-faced, thick-lipped features.  They wear headgear rather like American football helmets which probably served as protection in both war and in ceremonial game played with a rubber ball throughout Mesoamerica.  Indeed, we found not only figurines of ball players at San Lorenzo, but also a simple, earthen court contructed for the game.  Also typical are the so-called 'altars:' large basalt rocks with flat tops which may weigh up to 40 metric tons.  the fronts of these 'altars' have niches in which sits the figure of a ruler, either holding a were-jaguar baby in his arms (probably the theme of royal descent) or holding a rope which binds captives (theme of the warefare and conquest), depicted in relief on the sides."

Maya pg. 50:  "During the Middle Preclassic, following the demise of San Lorenzo, the great Olmec center was La Venta, situated on an island in the midst of the swampy wastes of the lower Tonala River, and dominated by an 100-ft-high mound of clay.  Elaboarte tombs and spectacular offerings of jade and serpentine figures were concealed by various constructions, both there and at other Olmec sites.  The Olmec art style was centered upon the representations of cratures which combined the features of a snarling jaguar with those of a weeping human infant; among these were were-jaguars almost surely was a rain god, one of the first recognizable deities of the Mesoamerican pantheon."

People pg. 481:  "The Olmec people lived on the Mexican south Gulf Coast from about 1500 to 500 BC.  Their homeland is lowlying, tropical, and humid with fertile soils.  The swamps, lakes, and rivers are rich in fish, birds, and other animals.  It was in this region that the Olmec created a highly distinctive art style.  Olmec art was executed in sculpture and in relief.  The artists concentrated on natural and supernatural beings, the dominant motif being the "were-jaguar," or humanlike jaguar.  Many jaguars were givin infantile faces; drooping lips; and large, swollen eyes, a style also applied to human figures, some of whom resemble snarling demons.  Olmec contributions to Mesoamerican art and religion were enormously significant."

[180] Mosiah 24:1-7

[181] Mokaya pg. 38-43; ;  Ancient Maya pg. 58-59

Zapotec pg. 118-119, 138: "By 800 BC, Chalcatzingo had become the dominant civic-ceremonial center for more than 50 settlements.  As in the case of San Jose Mogote, its centripetal pull was such that 50 percent of the region’s population clustered within a 6-km radius of Chalcatzingo.  Also like San Jose Mogote, it attracted and held most of the craftspeople of its region and served as a middleman for the movement of local white kaolin clay, Basin of Mexico obsidian, and jade.  Between 750 and 500 BC Chalcatzingo had reached 25 ha in extent, with 6 ha devoted to public buildings.  Its elite had also commissioned several monumental reliefs, carved into the living rock of the cliffs above the site.  
    A similar process can be seen as San Lorenzo in southern Veracruz, excavated in the 1960’s by Michael Coe and Richard Diehl and in the 1990’s by Ann Cyphers Guillen.  In 1350 BC San Loernzo appears to have been no more than a village, its exact dimensions hidden by later overburden.  Between 1350 and 1150 BC there is evidence for the construction of earhern mounds, but as yet no information on whether Men’s Houses or “initiates’s temples” like those in Oaxaca were built.
    During the San Lorenzo phase the site grew enormously; while its exact limits have not yet been ascertained, Coe and Diehl estimate its population at 1000.  At this point San Lorenzo had undergone its own ethnogenesis and become a chiefly center of the Olmec culture.  Coe and Diehl’s work produced no actual buildings of the San Lorenzo phase, no burials, and little in the way of jade.  They did, however, produce numbers of magnetite mirrors and considerable evidence for earthen mound construction."

Mexico pg. 86-87:  "The real importance of the Izapan civilization is that it is the connecting link in time and space between the earlier Olmec civilization and the later Classic Maya.  Izapan monuments are found scattered down the Pacific Coast of Gautemala and up into the highlands in the vicinity of Guatemala City.  On the other side of the highlands, in the lowland jungle of northern Guatemala, the very earliest Maya monuments appear to be derived from Izapan prototypes.  Moreover, not only the stela-and-altar complex, the 'Long-lipped Gods,' and the baroque style itself were adopted from the Izapan culture by the Maya, but the priority of Izapa in the very important adoption of the Long Count is quite clear-cut: the most ancient dated Maya monument reads AD 292, while a stela in Izapan style at El Baul, Guatemala, bears a Long Count date 256 years earlier."

Maya pg. 50:  "More important to the study of the Maya, there are also good reasons to believe that it was the late Olmecs who devised the elaborate Long Count calendar.  Whether or not one thinks of the Olmecs as the "mother culture" of Mesoamerica, the fact is that many other civilizations, including the Maya, were ultimately dependent on the Olmec achievement.  This is especially true during the Middle Preclassic, when lesser peasant cultures away from the Gulf Coast were aquiring traits which had filtered to them from their more advanced neighbors, just as in ancient Europe barbarian peoples in the west and north eventually had the benefits of the achievments of the contemporaneous Bronze Age of the Near East."

[182] Mosiah 24:1-7

[183] Mokaya pg. 38-43

Zapotec pg. 118-119, 138: "By 800 BC, Chalcatzingo had become the dominant civic-ceremonial center for more than 50 settlements.  As in the case of San Jose Mogote, its centripetal pull was such that 50 percent of the region’s population clustered within a 6-km radius of Chalcatzingo.  Also like San Jose Mogote, it attracted and held most of the craftspeople of its region and served as a middleman for the movement of local white kaolin clay, Basin of Mexico obsidian, and jade.  Between 750 and 500 BC Chalcatzingo had reached 25 ha in extent, with 6 ha devoted to public buildings.  Its elite had also commissioned several monumental reliefs, carved into the living rock of the cliffs above the site.  
    A similar process can be seen as San Lorenzo in southern Veracruz, excavated in the 1960’s by Michael Coe and Richard Diehl and in the 1990’s by Ann Cyphers Guillen.  In 1350 BC San Loernzo appears to have been no more than a village, its exact dimensions hidden by later overburden.  Between 1350 and 1150 BC there is evidence for the construction of earhern mounds, but as yet no information on whether Men’s Houses or “initiates’s temples” like those in Oaxaca were built.
    During the San Lorenzo phase the site grew enormously; while its exact limits have not yet been ascertained, Coe and Diehl estimate its population at 1000.  At this point San Lorenzo had undergone its own ethnogenesis and become a chiefly center of the Olmec culture.  Coe and Diehl’s work produced no actual buildings of the San Lorenzo phase, no burials, and little in the way of jade.  They did, however, produce numbers of magnetite mirrors and considerable evidence for earthen mound construction."

Mexico pg. 60-81:  (SEE NOTE 173) 

[184]    Ancient Maya pg. 57-61

Zapotec pg. 118-119, 138: "Unquestionably San Jose Mogote was in contact with these chiefly societies, as well as others in the Basin of Mexico and Chiapas.  Microscopic studies of pottery show that luxury gray ware from the Valley of Oaxaca was traded to San Lorenzo, to Aquiles Serdan on the Pacific Coast of Chiapas, and to Tlapacoya in the Basin of Mexico.  Obsidian from the Basin of Mexico, from a source 100 km north of Tehuacan, and from a source in the Guatemalan highlands circulated among all these regions.  Oaxaca magnetite reached San Lorenzo and the Valley of Morelos.  Pure white pottery, some of it possibly made in Varacruz, was traded to Chalcatzingo, Tehucan, Oaxaca, and the Chiapas-Guatemala Coast.  This means that no rank society of 1150-850 BC arose in isolation; all borrowed ideas on chiefly behavior and symbolism from each other."

Mexico pg. 77:  "Notwithstanding their intellectual and artistic achievements, the Olmecs were by no means a peaceful people.  Their monuments show that they fought battles with war clubs, and some individuals carry what seems to be a kind of cestus or knuckle-duster.  Whether the indubitable Olmec presence in higland Mexico represents actual invasion from of prestigious nature, which were unobtainable in their homeland- obsidian, iron-ore for mirrors, serpentine, and (by Middle Preclassic times) jade- and they probably set up trade networks over much of Mexico to get these items.  Thus, according to one hypothesis, the frontier Olmec sites could have been trading stations.  Kent Flannery has put forth the idea that the reult of emulation by less advanced peoples who had trade and perhaps even marriage ties with Olmec pantheon over a wide area of Mesoamerica suggests the possiblity of missionary efforts on the wide part of the heartland Olmecs."

People pg. 482:  "In short, the Olmec was the "mother culture" of Mesoamerican civilization.  Increasingly, this theory is being questioned."

[185] Mokaya pg. 38-43;    Ancient Maya pg. 58-61

Mexico pg. 62:  "There has been much controversy about the dating of the Olmec civilization.  Its discoverer, Matthew Sterling, consitently held that it predated the Classic Maya civilization, a position which was vehemently opposed by such Mayanists as Sir Eric Thompson.  Stirling was backed by the great Mexican scholars Alfonso Caso and Miguel Covarrubias, who held for a placement in the Preclassic period, largely on the grounds that Olmec traits had appeared in sites of that period in the Valley of Mexio and in the state of Morelos.  Time has fully borne out Stirling and the Mexican shool.  A long series of radiocarbon dates from the important Olmec site of La Venta spans the centuries from 1200 to 400 BC, placing the major development of this center entierly within the Middle Preclassic.  Another set of dates shows that the site of San Lorenzo is even older, falling within the Early Preclassic (1800-1200 BC), making it contemorary with Tlatilco and other highland sites in which influence from San Lorenzo can be detected.  There is now little doubt that all later civilizations in Mesoamerica, wheter Mexican or Maya, ultimately rest on Olmec base."

People pg. 481-482:  "For years, scholars have believed that elements of their art style and imagery were diffused southward to Guatemala and San Salvador and northward into the Valley of Mexico.  In short, the Olmec was the "mother culture" of Mesoamerican civilization.  Increasingly, this theory is being questioned."

Maya pg. 50:  (SAME AS NOTE 181 ABOVE)

[186] Mosiah 17:15-19; Alma 25:1-12

[187]   Maya pg. 50-55; 63-66; 78-79

Zapotec pg. 119: "In each case a small hamlet, unprepossessing at its founding, underwent a period of rapid and spectacular growth, becoming the demographic center of gravity for a network of smaller sites.  Each emerging center- San Jose Mogote, Chalcatzingo, and San Lorenzo- not only dwarfed the other sites in its region but seems to have exerted a centripetal pull on its entire hinterland.  All grew so fast that they must have encouraged immigration, not just normal growth; all emptied the surrounding region of artisans and concentrated them in the paramount chief village.  All were aware of each other and perhaps even competitive; some clearly suffered occasional attacks that left their monuments defaced or their public buildings burned. "

Mexico pg. 69-70, 74:  There was nothing egalitarian about San Lorenzo society, as the Colossal Heads testify.  The Nature fo the controls and compulsion required to build the great plateau and transport the monuments eventually led to a mighty cataclysm.  About 1200 BC San Lorenzo was destroyed either by invasion or revolution, or a bomination of these.  The grandiose monuments glorifying its rulers and gods were ruthlessly smashed and defaced, then ritually buried in long lines within the ridges, from which some of them (those seen by Stirling) eventually eroded out and tumbled into the ravines.  Thanks to the ability of the cesium magnetometer to detect buried basalt, and to the good luck that attended our exedition, we found some of these buried lines, including a magnificent but decapitated figure of a half-kneeling figure of an ancient royal ballplayer.  The fury of the destructive force visited upon these stones astounded us, for in some respects it matched the labor and ingenuity which went into their creation.  Civiliations went out with a bang, not a whimper, in early Mesoamerica.

[188] Mexico pg. 69-70
    (SAME AS NOTE 187 ABOVE)

[189] Alma 25:1-12

[190]   Maya pg. 50-55; 63-66; 78-79

Zapotec pg. 119: "In each case a small hamlet, unprepossessing at its founding, underwent a period of rapid and spectacular growth, becoming the demographic center of gravity for a network of smaller sites.  Each emerging center- San Jose Mogote, Chalcatzingo, and San Lorenzo- not only dwarfed the other sites in its region but seems to have exerted a centripetal pull on its entire hinterland.  All grew so fast that they must have encouraged immigration, not just normal growth; all emptied the surrounding region of artisans and concentrated them in the paramount chief village.  All were aware of each other and perhaps even competitive; some clearly suffered occasional attacks that left their monuments defaced or their public buildings burned. "

Mexico pg. 69-70, 74:  "Like the earlier San Lorenzo, La Venta was deliberately destroyed in ancient times.  Its fall was certanily violent, as twenty-four out of forty sculptured monuments were intentionally mutilated.  This probably occured at the end of Middle Preclassic times, around 400-300 BC, for subseuently, following its abandonment as a center, offerings were made with pottery of Late Preclassic cast.  As a matter of fact, La Venta may never have lost its signicance as a cult center, for among the very latest caches found was a Spanish olive jar of the early Colonial period, and Professor Heizer suspected that offerings may have been made in modern times as well."
    (SAME AS NOTE 187 ABOVE)

[191] Alma 25:1-12

[192] Mexico pg. 69-70, 74, 86-87

"The waterlogging has resulted in extraordinary preservation of otherwise perishable Olmec materials, all belonging to the fianl stages of the San Lorenzo phase, about 1200 BC.  In 1988 and 1989, and archaeological team directed by Ponciano Ortiz of the University of Veracruz was able to study and conserve ten wooden figures, all 'baby-faced' just like Olmec hollow clay figurines, and each just under 20 inches high; all were little more than libless torsos, and most had been carefully wrapped in mats and tied up, before being placed with heads pointing in the direction of the hill's summit.  Other objects included polished stone axes, jade and serpentine beads, a wooden staff with a bird's head on one end and a shark's tooth (surely a bloodletter) on the other, and an obsidian knife with an asphalt handle.  Most surprisingly, the archaeologists turned up a cache of three rubber balls; measuring from 3 to 5 inches in diameter, these are the only examples to have survived from the pre-Conquest Mesoamerica of what must have been a very common artifact.  They confirm that the ball game is a least as old as the Olmec civilization."

Maya pg. 50-55; 63-66; 78-79:  "The lowland Maya almost always built their temples over older ones, so that in the course of centuries the earliest constructions would eventually come to be deeply buried within the towering accrections of Classic period rubble and plaster.  Consequently, to prospect for Mamom temples in one of the larger sites would be extremely costly in time and labor.
    But towards the close of the Late Preclassic, writing had begun to appear sporadically, and it deinitely celebrated the doings of great personages.  A good example of this would be the greenstone pectoral at Dumbarton Oaks, said to be from Quintana Roo.  A were-jaguar face on one side indicates that the object was orginally Olmec."

[193] Mosiah 25:14-24

[194] Mexico pg. 52-55

"The most notable advance in the Late Preclassic of central Mexico was the appearance of the temple-pyramid.  The earliest temples of the highlands were thatch-roof, perishable structures not unlike the houses of the common people, erected within the community on low earthen platforms face with sun-hardened clay.  There are a few slight indications that some such platforms once existed at Tlatilco.  By the Late Preclassic, however, they had become almost universal, as the nuclei of enlarged villages and even towns.  Towards the end of the period, clay facings for the platforms were occasionally replaced by retaining-walls of undressed stones coated with a thick layer of stucco, and the substructures themselves had become greatly enlarged, sometimes rising in several stages or tiers.  Here we have, then, a definite progression from small villages of farmers with but household figurine cults, to hierarchical societies with rulers who coulo call the populace to build and maintain sizeable religious establishments."

Zapotec pg. 108-110 (93-110): "Structures 1 and 2 were two of the most impressive buildings of the San Jose phase.  Each appears to be the pyramidal platform for a wattle-and-daub public building, and their construction involved the first use of an adobe brick so far known for Oaxaca.  Used mainly for small retaining walls within the earthen fill, these early adobes were circular in plan and plano-convex, or “bun-shaped,” in section.
    Structure 2 was 1 m high and at least 18 m wide.  Its sloping face had been built with boulders, some obtained locally and some brought in from at least 5 km away.  Some of the latter were of limestone from west of the Atoyac River, while others were of travertine from east of the river.  Two carved stones, one depicting a feline and one a raptorial bird, had fallen from a collapsed section of wall. The east face of the platform included two stone stairways which although narrow, are the earliest of their kind for the region.
    Structure 1, above and to the west, rose in several stages that may have reached 2.5 m in height.  Its facing was of smaller stones set in clay, somewhat rough-and-ready, but clearly masonry- the first stage in an architectural tradition brillinantly developed by the Zapotec."

People pg. 485-486:  "The diffusion of common art styles throughout Mesoamerica may have resulted both from an increased need for religious rituals to bring the various elements of society together and because

[195] Mosiah 29:37-47

[196] Zapotec pg. 111-120

      "The rival center of Huitzo built comparable structures during the Guadalupe phase.  The earliest of these was Structure 4, a pyramidal platform 2 m high and more than 15 m wide, built of earth and faced with stones in the manner of Structure 8 at San Jose Mogote.  Atop this platform, the architects of Huitzo built a series of buildings that may have been one-room temples.  The best preserved of these was Structure 3, a large wattle-and-daub building on an adobe platform with a stairway.  Built of bun-shaped adobes and fill, the platform was 1.3 m high and 11.5 m long.  There were three steps to its wide stairway, each inset into the platform to strengthen it.  The entire structure had been coated with lime plaster.  In spite of all the small size of the Huitzo community relative to San Jose Mogote, its public architecture was as impressive as anything built at the latter site during the Guadalupe phase."

Mexico pg. 52-55:  "How grandiose some of these substructures were can be seen at Cuicuilco, located to the south of Mexico City near the National University, in an area covered by the Pedregal - a grim landscape of broken, soot-black lava witha sparce flora eking out its existence in rocky crevices.  The principal feature of Cuicuilco is a round platform, 387 ft. in diameter and rising in four inwardly sloping tiers to a present height of 75 ft.  Two ramps placed on either side of the platform provide access to the summit, which was crowned at one time by a cone-like contruction which brought the total height to about 90 ft.  Faced with volcanic rocks, the interior of the surviving structure is filled with sand and rubble, with a total volume of 60,000 cubic meters."

People pg. 485-486:  "Monte Alban went on to develop into a vast ceremonial center with splendid public architecture; its settlement area included public buildings, terraces, and housing zones that extended over approximately 15 square miles.  More than 2000 terraces all held one or two houses, and small ravines were dammed to pond valuable water supplies.  Blanton suggests that between 30,000 and 50,000 people lived at Monte Alban between AD 200 and 700.  Many very large villages and smaller hamlets lay within easy distance of the city.  The enormous platforms on the ridge of Monte Alban supported complex layouts of temples and pyramid-temples, palaces, patios, and tombs.  A hereditary elite seems to have ruled Monte Alban, the leaders of a state that had emerged in the Valley of Oaxaca by AD 200."

[197] Mosiah 27:6-7

[198] Zapotec chap 8-10;  Tula pg. 23

Mexico pg. 46-58:  "A word of caution, however- because of our first knowladge of these sites, the impression has been given that the Valley had more acnient Preclassic beginnings than elsewhere.  On the contrary, that isolated basin was probably a laggard in cultural development until the Classic period, when it became and stayed the flower of Mexican cuivilization.  Notwithstanding its later glory, the Valley was then a prosperous but provincial backwater, which occasionally received new items developed elsewhere."

People pg. 485-486:  "The evolution of larger settlements in Oaxaca and elsewhere was closely connected with the developlment of long-distance trade in obsedian and other luxuries such as seashells and stingray spines from the Gulf of Mexico.  The simple barter networks for obsidian of earlier times evolved into sophisticated regional trading organizations in which village leaders controlled monopolies over sources of obsidian and its distribution.  Magnetite mirrors, seashells, feathers, and ceramics were all traded on the highlands, and from the highlands ot the lowlands as well.  Olmec pottery and other ritual objects began to appear in highland settlements between 1150 and 650 BC, many of them bearing the distinctive were-jaguar motif of the lowlands, which had an important place in Olmec comology."

[199] Alma 1-4

[200] Zapotec chap. 8-10

Mexico pg. 46-58:  "At these two sites and elsewhere in the Valley the midden deposits are literally stuffed with thousands of fragments of clay figurines, all female, providing a lively view of the costume of the day, or its lack.  Although nudity was apparently the rule, these little ladies have elaborate face and body painting in black, white, and red; headdresses and coiffures as shown were very fancy, wraparound turbans being most common.  The technique of manufacture was about like that with which gingerbread men are made, features being indicated by a combination of punching and filleting.  Significantly, no recognizable depictions of gods or goddesses have ever been identified in these villages, suggesting the possibility that the only cult was that of the figurines, which may have been objects of household devotion like the Roman lares, perhaps concerned with the fertility of the crops."

People pg. 485-486:  "There were marine fish spines, too, probably used in personal bloodletting ceremonies that were still practiced even in Aztec times.  The Spanish described how Aztec nobles would gash themselves with knives or with the spines of fish or stingray in acts of mutilation before the gods, penances required of the devout.

[201] Alma 2:1-4:3; 16:1-11; 28:1-12; 43-60; battles increase in size, severity and frequency.

[202]  Mexico pg. 77, 82-83, 86-87

"Most of the constructions that meet the eye at Monte Alban are of the Classic period.  However, in the southwestern corner of the site, which is laid on a north-south axis, excavations have diclosed the Temple of the Danzantes, a stone-faced platform contemporary with the first occupation of the site, Monte Alban I.  The so-called Danzantes (i.e. 'dancers') are basrelief figures on large stone slabs set into the outside of the platform.  Nude men with slightly Olmecoid features (i.e. the down-turned mouth), the Danzantes are shown in strange, rubbery postures as though they were swimming or dancing in viscous fluid.  Some are represented as old, bearded individuals with toothless gums or with only a single protuberant incisor.  About 150 of these strange yet powerful figures are known as Monte Alban, and it might be reasonably asked exactly what their function was, or what they depict.  The disorted pose of the limbs, the open mouth and closed eyes indicate that these are corpses, undoubltedly cheifs or kings slain by the earliest rulers of Monte Alban.  In many individuals the genitals are clearly delineated, usually the stigma laid on captives in Mesoamerica where nudity was considered scandalous.  Furthermore, there are cases of sexual mutilation depicted on some Danzantes, blood streaming in flowery patterns from the severed part.  Evidence to corroborate such violence comes from one Danzante, which is nothing more than a severed head."

Zapotec pg. 121-171:"Warfare, as the lines at the start of this chapter say, can "powerfully shape" chiefdoms.  While Carnerio's conlusions were based on Colombia's Cauca Valley, what he says is equally true of the Valley of Oaxaca.  Several lines of evidence indicate that warefare had begun to affect Roario society.
    Chiefly warfare usually results from competition between paramounts, or between a paramount and his ambitious subcheifs.  Paramounts try to aggrandize themselves by taking followers away from their rivals.  Ambitious subchiefs try to replace the paramount at the top of the hierarhcy."

Maya pg. 63, 75:  "Some of the Late Preclassic tombs at Tik'al prove that the Chikanel elite did not lag behind the nobles of Miraflores in wealth and honor.  Burial 85, for instance, like all the others enclosed by platform substructures and covered by a primative corbel vault, contained a single skeleton.  Suprisingly, this individual lacked head and thigh bones, but from the richness of the goods placed with him it may be guessed that he must have perished in battle and been depoiled by his enemies, his mutilated body being later recovered by his subjects."

[203] Alma 48:8-10; 49:13; 52:6

[204] Alma 48:8-10

[205] 

[206] Alma 48:8-10; 49:13; 52:6

[207] Zapotec chap. 10-11; see note on endnote 203

      "The founding of Monte Alban also changed the demography of the central Valley of Oaxaca, including the 80-km area that had been no-man's-land during the Rosario phase.  The central valley had only five small Rosario villages.  By Monte  Alban Ia, that figure had risen to 38 villages, and by Monte Alban Ic it had exploded to 155 villages and small towns.  In effect, the entire demographic center of gravity of the valley had shifted from Elta to the region surrounding the Monte Alban.
    Settlement Pattern Project estimates it at 50,000.  One-third of that poplulation lived at Monte Alban; in addition, three-quaters of the population increase between Monte Alban Ia and Ic had taken place within 20 km of the city.  Below Monte Alban were 744 communities.  A few villages with populations estimated at less than 150."

[208] Alma 48:8-10; 49; 50:1-16

[209] 

[210] Zapotec Figure 128, 157, pg. 142-154

      "During the Monte Alban Ia- which probably began by 500 BC and ended by 300 BC- there were 261 sites in the Valley of Oaxaca.  Some 192 of these, including Monte Alban itself, were brand new settlements.  Despite this unprecedented redistribution of the valley's population, strong continuities in ceramics and architecture from Rosario to Monte Alban Ia indicate that we are dealing with villages of fewer than 100 persons.  In contrast, Monte Alban's estimated population exceeded 5000.  This was a very high percentage of the valley's population, which we estimate to be between 8000 and 10,000.
    The founding of Monte Alban also changed the demography of the central Valley of Oaxaca, including the 80-km area that had been a no-man's-land during the Rosario phase.  The central valley had only five small Rosario villages.  By Monte Alban Ia, that figure had risen to 38 villages, and by Monte Alban Ic it had exploded to 155 villages and small towns.  In effect, the entire demographic center of gravity of the valley had shifted from Etla to the region surrounding Monte Alban."

[211] Alma 50:7-11; 58:1-30

[212] Zapotec pg. 150-151

[213] Alma 50:1-24

[214] 

[215] Alma 50:7-16

[216] 

[217] Alma 43:16-21; 50:1-6 (Alma 43-62)

[218] Chiapas Artifacts pg. 194-195

Mexico pg. 58, 69:  "An earlier school of thought held that this shaft-tomb sculpture was little more than a kind of genre art: realistic, anecdotal, and with no more reigious meaning than a Dutch interior.  This view has been vigorously challenged by the ethnologist Peter Furst, who has worked closely with the contemporary Huichol Indians of Nayarit, almost certainly the descendants of the people who made the tomb figures.  Among the Huichol and their close relatives, the Cora, religious practitioners are always shamans, powerful specialists who effect cures and maintain the well-being of their people by battling against demons and evil shamans.  Professor Furst noted that the warriors with clubs from Nayarit and Jalisco tombs are down on one knee, the typical fighting stance of the shaman.  The Nayarit house models are interpreted by him not just as two-storey village dwellings, but as chthonic dwellings of the dead: above would be the house of the living, below is the house of the dead.  Such a belief is consonant not only with Huichol ideas about death and the soul, but also with the supernatural concepts of Southwestern Indians like the Hopi."

[219] Zapotec pg. 135-138, 146-150, 169-170

      "The southern Tehuacan Valley is a hot, dry area where the probability of insufficient rainfall for most kinds of farming is 80 percent.  It does, however, have the protential for irragation.   That  potential is perhaps best exemplified by the  Arroyo Lencho Diego, a steep-sided canyon investigated by Richard S. MacNeish, Richard Woodbury, James A. Neely, and Charles Spencer. 
    Canal irrigation has a long history in the Valley of Oaxaca, but its use increased dramatically in Monte Alban Ic.  Almost cerainly that escalation resulted from the need to provision the city of Monte Alban.  It is not so much the Atoyac River that was used for canal irrigation in ancient Oxaca, but its smaller tributaries in the piedmont.  Many of those streams can, with a relatively low espenditure of manpower, have part of their water diverted into small canals by the use of brush-and-boulder dams.  All such systems are small, usually serving the lands of one or two communities.  The Valley of Oxaca is therefore a region of numerous small canal systems, rather than one large system.  In contrast to regions like southern Mesopotamia, the north coast of Peru, or even the nearby Tehuacan Valley, central Oaxaca is not an area conducive to models of "dospotic control" of downsteam polities by upstream polities.  The Atoyac River, the larges watercourse in the valley, creates a strip of periodically flooded yuh kohp in which canal irrirgation is usually unnecessary."

Mexico pg. 81:  "Toward the close of the Middle Preclassic, the Zapotec of the Valley were practicing several forms of irrigation.  At Hierve el Agua, in the mountains east of the Valley, there has been found an artificially terraced hillside, irrigated by canals coming from permanent sprigns charged with calcareous waters that have in effect created a fossilized record from their deposits."

[220] Alma 50:17-24; 62:46-52; Helaman 6:6-13, 16-17; 11:20; 3 Nephi 6:4

[221]  Chiapas Burials pg. 71-72; Chiapas Artifacts pg. 194-196

Zapotec chap. 11-12:  "One unintended consequence of bringing together thousands of people in a new city can be an explosion of arts and crafts, especially if many of those people are forced to abandon agriculture.  Several urban relocations in archaic Greece "created enviroments in which intellectual life flourished.  Early Monte Alban was such an enviroment, and its sponsorship of craftspeople penetrated even to the towns in its hinterland.  What emerged during Monte Alban I was an art style distinct from that of any region, a style so closely  associated with the Valley of Oaxaca that it is generally referred to as Zapotec.
    In Monte Alban Ia, there were 261 communities in the valley; 192 of these, like Monte Alban itself, were newly founded.  Monte Alban, with 365 ha of Early Period I sherds and an estimated population in excess of 5000, was the only community in Tier I.  Many formely large communities of the Etla region, including San Jose Mogote, had been drained of population during the Monte Alban synoikism."

[222] Mexico pg. 77-81

"Yet whatever we call it, it can hardly be denied that during the Early and Middle Preclassic, there was a powerful, unitary religion which had manifested itself in an all-pervading art style; and that this was the offical ideology of the first complex society or societies to be seen in this part of the New World.  Its rapid spread has been variously linkened to that of Christianity under the Roman Empire, or to that of westernization (or 'modernization') in toady's world.  Wherever Olmec influence or the Olmecs themselves went, so did civilized life."

[223]  Mexico pg. 77-88

"By that time, it had full-fledged masonary buildings of a public nature; in a corridor connecting two of these, Kent Flannery and Joyce Marcus found a bas-relief threshold stone showing a dead captive with stylized blood flowing from his chest, so placed that anyone entering or leaving the corridor would have to tread on him.  Between his legs is a glyphic group possibly representing his name, 'I Earthquake' in the 260-day ritual calendar."
(SAME AS NOTE 202 ABOVE)

Maya pg. 63-79:  "The Izapan art style consists in the main of large, ambitiously conceived but somewhat cluttered scenes carried out in bas-relief.  Many of the activities shown are profane, such as richly attired person decapitaing a vanquished foe, but there are deities as well."

Zapotec chap 10-12:"Sixteenth-century documents tell us that when later Mesoamerican societies raided one another, a main objective was to burn their enemies' temple.  So common was this practice that a picture of a burning temple became an iconographic convention for raiding among Aztec. 
    Monument 3 makes possible the following inferences about the Rosario pahse. (1) The 260-day calendar clearly existed by this time.  (2) The use of Xoo, a known Zapotec day-name, relates the hieroglyphis to an archaic form of the Zapotec language.  (3) The carving makes it clear that Rosario phase sacrifice was not limited to drawing one's own blood with stingray spines; it now included human sacrifice by heart removal.  (4) Since I Earthquake is shown naked, even stripped of whatever ornaments he might have worn, he fits our sixteenth-century discriptions of prisoners taken in battle.  This carving of a prisoner, combined with the burning of the temple, suggests that by 600 BC the well-known Zapotec pattern of raiding, temple burning, the capture of enemies for sacrifice had begun.  (5) Many later Mesoamerican peoples, including the Maya, set carvings of their enemies where they could be literally and metaphorically "trod upon."  The horizontal placement of Monument 3 suggests that it, too, was designed for that visual metaphor."

     

[224] Alma 51:22-28; 56:13-15; Alma 62:38; Helaman 1:14-34; 4:1-18; 3:12-4:1

[225] Alma 27:13-27; Helaman 5:13-20, 49-52; 6:1-7

[226] Alma 62:26-29

[227] Alma 48-62

[228] Zapotec chap 10-12;  defensive sites and evidences of warfare are numerous but the only destructions seem to be the occasional burning of a wood building, most stone structures seem to have been unharmed by the wars which is consistent with the Book of Mormon.

Mexico pg. 82:  "Monte Alban is the greatest of all Zapotec sites, and was constructed on a series of eminences about 1,300 ft above the Valley floor, at the close of the Middle Preclassic, about 500-450 BC, when San Jose Mogote's fortunes waned.  Probably the main reason for its preeminence is its strategic hilltop location near the juncture of the Valley's three arms.  It lies in the heart of the region still occupied by the Zapotec peoples; since there is no evidence for any major disruption in central Oaxaca until the beginning of the Post-Classic, about AD 900, archaeologists feel reasonably certain that the inhabitants of that language."

[229] Alma 62:46-52; Helaman 6:6-13, 16-17; 11:20; 3 Nephi 6:4

[230]   Chiapas Artifacts pg. 194-196

Zapotec pg. 155-171:  "There are several elite houses at Monte Negro.  Like the Rosario phase elite residences at San Jose Mogote, each consisted of an open patio surrounded by three or four rooms with adobe walls.  The Monte Negro houses, however, had stone foundations two courses high, and each room had at least two columns supporting its roof.  The courtyards were paved with flagstones, and there were drains below some buildings.
    Monte Negro's elite households have been compared to the Roman inpluvium residence, in which an inner paved court trapped rain runoff and channeled it to subterranean reservoirs.  While more elegant than those of the Rosario phase, the Monte Negro houses fall short of the later palaces at Monte Alban.  Like so much in Late Monte Alban I, they seem transitional between the house of a chief and the palace of a king.
    While the largest of the elite residences at Monte Negro lies along the east-west street, several others are connected to temples by secret passageways or roofed corridors.  These corridors- which made it possible for members of important families to enter and leave the temple without being seen by lower-staus persons- appear to be forerunners of the Monte Alban II passageways, tunnels, and roofed stairways of Monte Alban and San Jose Mogote.  The implications of such special entrances for the elite are twofold.  First, they indicate that rank differences were still associated with differential access to the supernatural.  Second, they suggest an escalation in rank to the point where chiefly individuals did not have to use the same stairways and entrances as more lowly individuals."

Mexico pg. 83-88:  "The development from the first phase of the site to Monte Alban II, which is terminal Preclassic and therefore dates from about 200 BC to AD 150, was peaceful and gradual.  In the southernmost plaza of the site was erected Building J, a stone-faced contruction in the form of a great arrowhead pointing southwest.  The peculiar orintation of this building has been examined by the asronomer Anthony Aveni and the architect Horst Hartung, who have pointed out important alignments with the bright star Capella.  Withing Building J is a complex of dark, narrow chambers which have been roofed over by leaning stone slabs to meet at the apex.  The exterior of the building is set with a great many inscribed stone slabs all bearing a very similar text.  These Monte Alban II inscriptions generally consist of an upside-down head with closed eyes and elaborate headdress, below a stepped glyph for 'mountain' or 'town'; over this is the same of the place, seemingly given phonetically in rebus fasion.  In its most complete form, the text is accompanied by the symbols for year, month, and day.  There are also various yet-untranslated glyphs.  Such inscriptions were correctly interpreted by Alfonso Caso as records of town conquests, the inverted heads being the defeated kings.  It is certain that all are in the Zapotec langauage."

Maya pg. 63-79:  "In lieu of easily worked building stone, which was unavailable in the vicinity, these platforms were built from ordinary clay and basketloads of earth and household rubbish.  Almost certainly the temples themselves were thatched-roof affairs supported by upright timbers.  Apparently each successive building operation took place to house the remains of an exalted person, whose tomb was cut down from the top in a series of stepped rectangles of decreasing size into the earlier temple platform, and then covered over with a new floor of clay.  The function of Maya pyramids as funerary monuments thus harks back to Preclassic times."

[231] Helaman 1:7-12; 2:2-13; 6:15-41; 7:1-6; 8:1, 26-28; 3 Nephi 1:27-30; 2:11-4:33

[232] Chiapas Burials pg. 73

Maya pg. 70:  "The corpse was wrapped in finery and covered from head to toe with cinnabar pigment, then laid on a wooden litter and lowered into the tomb.  Both sacrificed adults and children accompanied the illustrious dead, together with offerings of an astonished richness and profusion.  In one tomb, over 300 objects of the most beautiful workmanship were placed with the body or above the timber roof, but ancient grave-robbers, probably acting after noticing the slump in the temple floor caused by the collapse of the underlying tomb, had filched from the corpse the jades that which once covered the chest and head.  Among the finery recovered were the remains of a mask or headdress of jade plaques perhaps once fixed to a background of wood, jade flares which once adorned the ear lobes of the honored dead, bowls carved from chlorite-schist engraved with Miraflores scroll designs, and little carved bottles fo soapstone and fuchsite."

[233] Alma 63:4-9; Helaman 3:3-14

[234] Prehistory pg. 230-235

     "The Hopewell culture is one of the many called Middle Woodland. It seems to have appeared in Illinois by about 2300 B.P. The southern manifestations lasted until 400 A.D. and later. The Ohio Hopewell probably grew out of the strong local Adena pattern, so the elaborate mortuary complex called Classic Hopewell actually developed in Ohio. That complex of traits and its associated relationships has been called the Hopewell Interaction Sphere, a phase that takes account of a cluster of traits, artifacts, burial mounds- a mortuary cult or religion rooted in veneration of the dead- that can be recognized almost everywhere east of the Mississippi."

[235] Omni 1:20-22; Mosiah 8:7-11; 21:25-27; Alma 22:29-31; Helaman 3:6

[236] Prehistory pg. 141, 143, 173, 340

     "In western California, there was evidently a much greater concern with the dead. Many were buried in mounds, others in extensive cemeteries. An analysis of the grave goods of these many cemeteries has led some scholars to suggest that there was in California a social complexity quite unlike the simple egalitarian societies usually posited for most of the western Arachaic and quite at variance with the simple and relatively stable technology the archaeology reveals.
     Burial, Bundle: Reburial of defleshed and disarticulated bones tied or wrapped together in a bundle."

[237] Prehistory pg. 223-235

     "The Hopewell culture is one of the many called Middle Woodland. It seems to have appeared in Illinois by about 2300 B.P. The southern manifestations lasted until 400 A.D. and later. The Ohio Hopewell probably grew out of the strong local Adena pattern, so the elaborate mortuary complex called Classic Hopewell actually developed in Ohio. That complex of traits and its associated relationships has been called the Hopewell Interaction Sphere, a phase that takes account of a cluster of traits, artifacts, burial mounds- a mortuary cult or religion rooted in veneration of the dead- that can be recognized almost everywhere east of the Mississippi."
"note21">

[238]  SW Indians pg. 46-52; Warfare pg. 119-121

Prehistory pg. 299-303: "First defined in 1936 the Mogollon tradition possibly developed out of the Chiricahua and San Pedro Archaic. It seems to have acquired maize before 1 A.D., but pottery came considerably later at about 300 A.D. Once erroneously believed to have had maize by 4000 B.P. and ceramics by 2300 B.P, the Mongollon time span has been reduced by the later research to less that half of those figures.
     Usually the Mogollon is divided into four or five periods. The Pine Lawn-Georgetown begins about 300 A.D. and lasts until about 650 A.D., to be followed by San Francisco, Three Circle, and Reserve, which ends at 1100 A.D. With the end of the Reserve phase, the simplicity of the Mogollon is lost and heavy increments of Anasazi concepts-aboveground masonry dwellings, black-on-white pottery, some religious ideas, and increasing village size- essentially change the Mogollon into what is today called the Western Pueblo Tradition."

[239] Mosiah 8:8; Alma 50:29; Helaman 3:3-6; Mormon 6:4

[240] Prehistory chap 5-6 early dates; SW Indians pg. 46-58

[241] Helaman 3:3-14

[242] Prehistory chap 5-6 early dates; SW Indians pg. 46-58

[243] Helaman 3:3-14; 6:6; 7:1-3

[244]  Warfare chapter 4; SW Indians pg. 46-52

Prehistory pg. 230-235: "Many were destroyed by fire; the outlines formed by postholes are frequently encountered under the mounds, as if the burning of a house was the first step in construction of a burial mound. It has been suggested that the Adena "houses" were actually mortuary structures called charnel houses were bodies were defleshed and stored until the major ceremony: the burning of the house, placement of bodies in the crypts, and the building of the initial mounds.
     A few examples of an unusual artifact have been reported. It's the upper jaw of a wolf, cut so that the incisors and canines are intact on a kind of handle made by carving the palate to a spatulate form. It probably was part of an animal mask; the user would have had his upper incisors removed, putting the spatula in his mouth through the opening thus created. Human skulls thus mutilated have also been found, lending some credence to the idea."

[245] Alma 63:5-8

[246] Grolier, Fiji; Grolier, Western Samoa; Grolier, Easter Island; Grolier, French Polynesia

[247] 3 Nephi 8:19-23

[248] Ancient Maya pg. 51

[249] 4 Nephi 1:1-18

[250] Ancient Kingdoms pg. 85-91; Atlas pg. 104-105

[251]  Chiapas #9 pg. 8

Zapotec pg. 193-194:  "Between the next two building stages, a second room was built in front of the previously existing one.  The back walls of this outer chamber, which was 27 m in extent, abutted the sides of the inner room.  That inner room was now given two doorways on either side, one of which led to a stairway.  By stage G2- perhaps 150-100 BC- the floor of the inner room had been raised 15 cm above the floor of the outer room."

[252] 4 Nephi 1:2-18

[253] Mexican History pg. 16-18; BofM Evidence pg. 95-99; Atlas pg. 104-105

[254] Mexican History pg. 16-18

[255] Ancient Kingdoms pg. 95; Mexican History pg. 16-18; Prehistory pg. 240-242; Chiapas Artifacts pg. 196-198; Atlas pg. 104-105

[256] Ancient Kingdoms pg. 95; Mexican History pg. 16-18; Chiapas Artifacts pg. 196-198

[257] Ancient Kingdoms pg. 85-91; Atlas pg. 104-105

[258] 4 Nephi 1:1-18

[259]  Chiapas Artifacts pg. 196-198

Prehistory pg. 238-245: "The presence of skillfully manufactured objects seems to point to an artisan class. The finely wrought objects not only were beautiful, but also may have had extra value because of their cost in effort both to import and to manufacture. Their mere possession would no doubt give the owners prestige, and their innate properties may have included sacred or symbolic values beyond whatever other values they may have had. The splendor of the Ohio center was never equaled elsewhere, but a few specific Ohio artifact types are found all over the interaction sphere. They are the single and double cymbal ear spools of copper, they Busycon shell bowls, copper panpies, and mica mirrors; those are only items found in graves in all of the eight traditions. But some uniformly styled pottery types were common in all areas."

[260] Chiapas Artifacts pg. 196-198; Prehistory pg. 243; Chiapas Burials pg. 73-74

[261]  Mexican History pg. 16

Prehistory pg. 293: "The Hohokam were generally restricted to deserts of the southern Basin and Range province along the lower Salt and middle Gila rivers and used these waters for large-scale irrigation. The modern city of Phoenix, Arizona, is built upon the ruins of many Hohokam settlements and complex system of irrigation ditches that made life possible. The major canals of the Hohokam system underwent constant repair and modification. The biotic recourses in these valleys were undoubtedly much restricted, as they are today. The summer heat is intense. Faunal resources are scarce, but many edible plant species occur, including fruits of several cacti and beans from tree legumes such as acacia and mesquite. Rainfall is low except to the east, and of the three traditions the Hohokam were probably the most dependent on their fields for food.
     As described above, the southwestern cultures represent a complex subsistence pattern of balanced gardening and gathering in a land where farming is difficult, if not impossible. The environmental settings of the three traditions range from Colorado's green mesas to the sere wastes of Arizona's deserts. All depended on the careful use of limited water. There has long been general consensus that all three traditions evolved from the local Archaic cultures after stimulus from an unspecified Mexican source."

[262] Chiapas Artifacts pg. 198

[263] Chiapas Burials pg. 74

[264] Mexico pg. 89-91; Maya pg. 81

"On the basis of a technology that was essentially Neolithic- for metals were unknown until after AD 900- the Mexicans raised fantastic numbers of buildings, deocrated them with beautiful polychrome murals, produced pottery and figurines in unbelieveable quantitiy, and covered everything with sculptures.  Even mass production was introduced, with the inovation (or importation from South America) of the clay mold for making figurines and incense burners."

[265] Chiapas Artifacts pg. 197-198

[266]  Chiapas Artifacts pg. 196-198; Prehistory pg. 279, 299; Chiapas Burials pg. 73-74

Zapotec pg. 172:  "Monte Alban II had the most colorful and distinctive pottery seen in Oaxaca since the San Jose phase.  Burnished gray ware remained popular, but it was joined by waxy red, red-on-orange, red-on-cream, black, and white-rimmed black vessels, many of whose shapes and colors reflect an exchange of ideas with neighboring Chiapas.  The distinctiveness of this pottery makes it relatively easy to identify on the surface of the ground, and some 518 communities of this period have been identified in the Valley of Oaxaca."

[267]  Chiapas Artifacts pg. 196-198

Prehistory pg. 245: "The grave goods were numerous but not particularly flamboyant. There were pottery vessels, many turtle carapace dishes, several busycon shell bowls, awls, projectile points, scraps of mica, mussel shell spoons, numerous lumps of much oxidized pyrite, eagle and falcon jaws, beaver incisors, bone and antler scrap, and some cobble hammers or anvil stones. An interesting note was that many of the crania had perforated left parietal bones. The excavators speculate that these individuals may have been sacrificed as part of the burial ceremony. The pottery particularly shows marked similarity to the Illinois Hopewell variant, leading the assignment of the Norton group to an Illinois expansion, rather than to the nearer Ohio Hopewell climax."

[268] Ancient Kingdoms pg. 98-99; Prehistory pg. 243; Mexican History pg. 20-21; Atlas pg. 104-105

[269] Teotihuacan pg. 1-2; Mexican History pg. 16-17; Atlas pg. 105

[270] Chiapas Artifacts pg. 197

[271] Morelos pg. 135-150; Teotihuacan pg. 2;  Mexican History pg. 16-17;  Chiapas Artifacts pg. 1997

Zapotec pg. 172-175:  "For one thing, the ring of 155 settlements that had surronded Monte Alban during Late Period I was now gone.  The central region of the Valley of Oaxaca, once densely populated, was now reduced to 23 communities.  This suggests that Monte Alban no longer needed to concentrate farmers, warriors, and laborers within 15 km of the city, because its rulers could now count on the support of the entire valley.
    In addition, there no longer seems to be any ambiguity about a four-tiered hierarchy of communities in the valley.  Monet Alban, now covering 416 ha, was the only "city," or occupant of Tier I; its population is estimated at 14,500."

Mexico pg. 91:  "Very clearly, the Classic florescence saw the intensification of sharp social cleavages thoughout Mexico, and the consolidation of elite classes.  It has long been assumed on a priori grounds that the mode of government was theocratic, with a priestly group exercising temporal power.  In lieu of actual documents from the period, there is little for or against this idea to be gained from archaeoligical record.  At any rate, below the intellecutal group which held the political reins was a peasantry which had hardly changed an iota from Preclassic times.  Apart from the post-Conquest introduction of animal husbandry and steel tools, and old village-farming way of life has hardly been altered until today."

[272]  Mexican History pg. 16; Mayas pg. 1, 3

Zapotec pg. 172-175:  "Two other settlements, classified as Tier 2 centers on the basis of size, do not seem to have been surrounded by comparable cells of large villages.  Magdelena Apasco seems to have been a town in the San Jose Mogote cell.  Scuhilquitongo, a hilltop center near the upper Atoyac River, may have served to defend the northern entrance to the valley.  (A smaller mountaintop center, El Choco, may have defended the pass where the Atoyac River exits the valley on its way south.)"

[273] Atlas pg. 105; Chiapas Artifacts pg. 198

[274] 4 Nephi 1:2-3, 15-17

[275] 4 Nephi 1:23-24

[276] Prehistory pg. 282, 294

     "The Monroe phase was characterized by distinctive rectangular houses with vertical wall posts in a straight line, three center supports (for gabled roofs, as sometimes in the Mississippian), and a fireplace toward the narrow entry ramp. The entry ramp sloped down to meet the sunken floor of the lodge. A striking fact about the Monroe villages was their compactness, in contrast to the randomness of earlier settlements. The houses were located uniformly with the long axis oriented southwest-northeast and with the entryway toward the southwest.
     The village is large. House lodges even now number more than one hundred; the erosion of the Missouri has destroyed an unknown number. The dominant house type was a rectangular structure built of vertical posts or poles with an entryway opening to the west. Houses were large, averaging 30 by 33 feet. The roof was supported by central posts or pillars arranged down the midline of the house. The covering for the houses is not definitely known, but they are believed to have been roofed with sod. The vertical walls were of wattle and daub. A most impressive component of the village was the encircling fortification, an earthen embankment behind which small posts set about 12 inches apart formed a palisade. Ten projecting bastions were equally spaced along its sides and at the two western shores."

Zapotec pg. 208-209:  "The Zapotec cocui, or hereditary lord, and his xonaxi, or royal wife, lived in residential palaces fitting the historic description of the yoho quehui, or "royal house."  Many of these were residents 20-25 m on one side, divided into 10-12 rooms arranged around an interior patio.  Typical features were L-shaped corner rooms, some with apparent sleeping benches.  Privacy was provided by a "curtian wall" just inside the main doorway, which screened the interior of the palace from view.  Doors were probably closed with elegant weavings, or even brightly colored feather curtians.  In some Zapotec palaces, no two rooms have their floors at exactly the same level.  This might have been a way of ensuring that the coqui's head was higher than anyone else's, even when he was asleep."

[277]  Chiapas Artifacts pg. 199; Chiapas Burials pg. 74-75;  Mexican History pg. 43-48

Prehistory pg. 247, 271-272, 294: "The objects are an exquisite expression of artistry combined with skilled craftsmanship. The artifacts were created in every medium: wood, shell, clay, stone, and hammered copper. The art is concerned with depicting animals, humans, mythical creatures, tools, and weapons, using a dozens of themes and scores of motifs. The artifacts are not utilitarian but ornamental and are undoubtedly rich in conventional and symbolic meaning. As a subject for study they have attracted attention for a century. Much speculation has attended that study; the complex artifacts is said to have been a death cult because of the skull, hand-eye, and other motifs"

Zapotec pg. 208-209:  "As for the rulers themselves, they are often depicted in ceramic sculpture- seated on thrones or crosslegged on royal mats, weighed down with jewelry and immense feather headdresses.  Rulers evidently had a variety of masks, so many that one wonders if their faces were ever seen by commoners.  Rulers in many cultures have disguised themselves to maintain the myth that they were not mere mortals, and Zapotec kings seem to have had numerous costumes depending on the occasion.  Their ties to Lightning were reinforced by jade or wooden masks depicting the powerful face of Cociyo; their roles as warriors were reinforced by wearing a mask made from the facial skin of a flayed captive.
    A magnificent example of the latter can be seen in the funerary urn from Tomb 103, a royal burial beneath a palace at Monte Alban.  The Zapotec ruler sits on his throne in the guise of a warrior, holding a staff or war club in his right hand.  In his left he grasps the hair of an enemy's severed head, as he peers through the dried skin of a flayed enemy's face.  His headdress, featuring the plumes of birds from distant cloud forests, covers not only his head but also the back of his throne.  Jade spools in his earlobes, a massive jade necklace, and a kilt covered with tubular sea shells add to his elegance.  Note that, in the tradition of the figurines of 850-700 BC, the sculptor has paid great attention to every detail of the lord's sandals, right down to the tying of the laces."

[278] 4 Nephi 1:24

[279]  Chiapas Artifacts pg. 199

Prehistory pg. 238, 249, 262-263, 294-297, 299, 308, 319-320: "In the mounds were rich caches of goods, not always with the burials. The cached objects were created from exotic materials, both local Ohio items and imported ones. Mica, in sheets or cutout geometric or animal forms, was a commonly used mineral. Copper, recovered in free sheets and nuggets from the Lake Superior sources, was used for ear spools, headdresses, masks, bracelets, beads, chest ornaments, celts, and panpies. Pearls were used as beads for anklets and armlets and were sewn on garments.
     The potters were only one of the artisan groups. Shellworkers engraved and carved Busycon shell with the columella removed for ornaments and pendants, and used the columella to make knobbed hairpins; tubular disc-shaped, and globular beads; and other ornaments as well. Other skilled craftsmen made bracelets, beads, headdresses, and a few hairpins for the copper produced locally in Tennessee and northern Georgia, and decorated thin sheets of hammered copper with a repousse technique."

Zapotec pg. 208-209:  "As for the rulers themselves, they are often depicted in ceramic sculpture- seated on thrones or crosslegged on royal mats, weighed down with jewelry and immense feather headdresses.  Rulers evidently had a variety of masks, so many that one wonders if their faces were ever seen by commoners.  Rulers in many cultures have disguised themselves to maintain the myth that they were not mere mortals, and Zapotec kings seem to have had numerous costumes depending on the occasion.  Their ties to Lightning were reinforced by jade or wooden masks depicting the powerful face of Cociyo; their roles as warriors were reinforced by wearing a mask made from the facial skin of a flayed captive.
    A magnificent example of the latter can be seen in the funerary urn from Tomb 103, a royal burial beneath a palace at Monte Alban.  The Zapotec ruler sits on his throne in the guise of a warrior, holding a staff or war club in his right hand.  In his left he grasps the hair of an enemy's severed head, as he peers through the dried skin of a flayed enemy's face.  His headdress, featuring the plumes of birds from distant cloud forests, covers not only his head but also the back of his throne.  Jade spools in his earlobes, a massive jade necklace, and a kilt covered with tubular sea shells add to his elegance.  Note that, in the tradition of the figurines of 850-700 BC, the sculptor has paid great attention to every detail of the lord's sandals, right down to the tying of the laces."

[280] Prehistory pg. 262, 271-272

    "In western California, there was evidentily a much greater concern with the dead. Many were buried in mounds, others in extensive cemeteries. An analysis of the grave goods of these many cemeteries has led some scholars to suggest that there was in California a social complexity quite at variance with the simple and relatively stable technology the archaeology reveals."

Zapotec pg. 185-188, 209-216; Zapotec pg. 210-216:  "One of the most famous Zapotec royal burials is Monte Alban's Tomb 104, believed to date to the middle of Period III.  Its elaborate facade includes a niche with a large funerary sculpture.  The latter has a headdress containing two jaguar or puma heads, huge ear ornaments, a large pectoral with marine shells, and a bag of incense in one hand.
    Inside the main chamber of the tomb was a single skeleton, fully extended face up.  At its feet was the funerary urn, flanked by four accompanists or "companion figures."  The chamber had been equipped with five wall niches, many of which were filled with pottery; dozens of additional vessels were stacked on the floor.  The pottery was extremely varied in form and function- in effect, a couple "table setting" for a Zapotec lord or lady.  Included were bowls and vases, bridgespout jars, ladles, "sause boats," and a stone mortar of the type now used for making guacamole or chili sause.  There were also figures of humans.
    Running the wall of the chamber was a mural.  At the left (the south wall of the chamber) we see a male figure holding an incense bag in one hand.  Next comes a niche in the wall with an "offering box" and a parrot painted above it.  Then come two hieroglyphic compounds, 2 Serpent and 5 Serpent; below them is another "offering box."  On the back wall of the tomb (the west side) are three niches and a complex painting that features a human face (probably and ancestor) below the "Jaws of the Sky."  The date (or day-name) 5 Turquoise appears to the left of the jaws.
    At the far right (north wall of the tomb) we see another male figure with an incense bag.  Above a niche in this wall we see the "heart as sacrifice" and above that the glyphs for I Lightning, and to the left we see the dates or day-names 5 Owl and 5 Lightning.  A feathered speech scroll is associated with 5 Owl.  All these names probably refer to important royal ancestors of the individual in the tomb.
    Finally, the door of the main chamber was closed by a large stone, carved on both sides.  We see the hieroglyphic inscription of the inner surface of the door.  The inscription shares several day-names with the mural inside the chamber.  On the right side appear the glyphs 6 Turquoise, a glyph designated "Glyph I" by Alfonso Caso, and a human figurine showing the same stiff posture seen in the jade statues beneath an earlier temple at San Jose Mogote.  On the left side appears the large glyph 7 Deer, flanked by smaller glyphs for 6 Serpent, 7 "Glyph I," and four small cartouches accompanied by the number 15.  In the center of the stone we have an abbreviated "Jaws of the Sky" and the glyph 5 Turquoise.  Below this we find a buccal mask in profile, and the same glyph for I Lightning seen on the north-wall mural of the tomb chamber. 
    The repetition of the names 5 Turquoise and I Lightning on the mural and door stone suggests that these individuals were very important.  Together with the funerary urns, the scores of ceramic offerings, and the elaborate construction of the tomb, these references to ancestors were an integral part of royal burial ritual." 

[281] 4 Nephi 1:46

[282] Zapotec pg. 224-225

      "Period IIIa, because of its distinctively decorated pottery, shows up strongly on surface survey.  This is fortunate, since it makes it easier to show the significant changes in settlment pattern that took place between Monte Alban II and IIIa.  Those changes included substantial increases in population, great shifts in the demographic center of gravity of the Valley of Oaxaca, and increased use of defensible localities."

[283]  Mexican History pg. 17-18, 36-39;

Zapotec pg. 208-221:  "Also set in the walls of the South Platform are six stelae showing prionsers with arms tied behind their backs.  While some are dressed in little more than a breech-clout, others wear the kind of full animal costume given to warriors who had distinguished themselves in battle.  Each captive stands on a place glyph naming the region from which he came; unforunately, the regions have not as yet been securely identified.  If the destiny of Early Period III sites on densible hilltops can be used as a guide, we suspect that regions south and east of the Valley of Oaxaca were the scene of considerable warfare during Early Period III."

Mexico pg. 129:  "Following in the wake of the disturbances and intrusions of alien peoples which brought to a close the civilizations of the Classic during the ninth century AD was a seemingly new mode of organized life.  Although there is ample evidence for warfare in such Classic cultures as Teotihuacan and Monte Alban, the Post-Classic saw a greatly heightend emphasis on militarism, in fact, a glorification of war in all its aspects.  There was now an upstart class of tough professional warriors, grouped into military orders which took theri names from the animals from which they may have claimed a kind of totemic descent: coyote, jaguar, and eagle.  Wars were the rule of the day, those unfrotunate enough to be captured destined for sacrifice to the gods.  Human sacrifice can hardly be considered a new element in Mesoamerican life, but for the first time we have widespread evidence for the tzompantli, the skull rack on which heads were skewered for public display.  As a result of these marital activities, there was extensive contruction of strongpoints and the fortification of towns."

[284]  Mexican History pg. 17-18

Zapotec pg. 216-221, 224:  "The hidden scenes of Teotihuacan visitors were placed at the four corners of the South Platform.  Under three of those, the builders of the platform placed offering boxes with standardized dedicatory caches.  These cashes show that the carved stones were part of the Early Monte Alban III platform, sicne the boxes contain offerings of that period.  No offering was placed under the south-east corner, apparently because bedrock was deeper there and more construction fill was required."

Mexico pg. 129:  "Throughout Mexico, this was a time which saw a great deal of confusion and movement of peoples, amalgamating to form small, aggressive, conquest states, and splitting up with as much speed as they had risen.  Even tribes of distinctly different speech sometimes came together to form a single state- as we know from their annals, for we have entered the realm of history.  Naturally, such new conditions are mirrored in Post-Classic art styles, which are thoroughly saturated with the martial psychology of the age.  In general they are harder, far more abstract, and less exuberant than those of the Classic period.  It is the kind of strong, static art produced by artisans guided by Spartan, not Athenian, ideals."

[285] Mormon 1:6-7

[286] Teotihuacan pg. 2-3;  Morelos pg. 135-150; Prehistory pg. 254-256;  Ancient Kingdoms pg. 100-101

Zapotec pg. 224:  "The population of the Valley of Oaxaca rose to an estimated 115,000 persons during Monte Alban IIIa.  This growth was accompanied by tumultuous changes in the distribution of population throughout the valley.  Of the 1075 known communities, 510 (or nearly half) were now in the Tlacolula subvalley."

Maya pg. 152:  "We know from the downfall of past civilizations such as the Roman and Khmer empires that it is fruitless to look for single causes.  But most of the Maya archaeologists can now agree that three factors were paramount in the downfall: 1) endemic internecine warefare, 2) overpopulation and accompanying enviromental collapse, and 3) drought.  All three probably played a part, but not necessarily all together in the same time and in the same place.  Warefare seems to have become a real problem earlier than the two. 
    On can only conclude that by the end of the eighth century, the Classic Maya population of the southern lowlands had probably increase beyond the carrying capacity of the land, no matter what system of agriculture was in use.  There is mounting evidence for massive deforestation and erosion throughout the Central Area, only alleviated in a few favorable zones by dry slope terracing.  In short, overpopulation and enviromental degradation had adbanced to a degree only matched by what is happening in many of the poorest tropical countries today.  The Maya apocolypse, for such it was, surely had ecological roots."

[287] 4 Nephi 1:24-26

[288] ; Prehistory pg. 247, 261, 268, 270-272

Zapotec pg. 216-221:  "Whatever the reason, the stelae commissioned by 12 Jaguar display two types of royal propaganda: vertical and horizontal.  The message on the public faces of his monuments- showing his inaugural scene, his captives, and his heroic predecessor- traveled "vertically" from the ruler down to the commoners.  The message of support from Teotihuacan, carved on the hidden edges of the same stelae, traveled "horizontally" from the ruler to his fellow nobles, did not need to be seen by commoners."

[289] Mexican History pg. 18; Chiapas Burials pg. 74-75;

Zapotec pg. 216-224:  "For many ancient Mesoamerican states, the inauguration of a new ruler was a time for elaborate ritual and royal propaganda.  Inauguration rituals sent the ideological message that kingship and the state would continue in a just, orderly, predictable manner under a deserving new ruler.
     Mesoamerican groups such as the Aztec, Mixtec, and Maya tried to designate the old ruler's successor in advance of the former's death.  Between the time of that designation and his or her actual assumption of the throne, the future ruler was expected to engage in a series of important activities.  He or she might travel to consult the leaders of other ethnic groups; raid enemy communities to get captives for sacrifice; mark off the boundaries of the polity to reinforce them; and perform some act of piety, like building a new temple or visiting a shrine.
    The classic Zapotec were no exception to this pattern.  Sometime during Early Period III, a ruler named 12 Jaguar was inaugurated at Monte Alban.  Part of his inauguration ritual included the dedication of a massive pyramidal structure, the South Platform of the Main Plaza, for whose construction (or enlargement) he sought to take credit.  In preparation for his inauguration, he commissioned a carved stone monument which shows him seated on his throne.  He also had taken a number of captives for sacrifice, six of whom are depicted on other stone monuments.  He seems to have documented his right to rule by using a monument that refers to a previous Zapotec ruler, perhaps claming him as an ancestor.  Finally, he commissioned carved scenes of eight visitors from Teotihuacan, a city in the Basin of Mexico which was a powerful contemporary of Monet Alban.  These scenes show Teotihucanos visiting Monte Alban in what may be a demonstration of support for the new ruler.  Dedicatory caches were placed beneath three corner stones bearing these scenes."

[290] 4 Nephi 1:35-39

[291]  Mexican History pg. 18, 24-27, 31-43

Prehistory pg. 246-247: "In New York, the Point Peninsula Tradition begins with the Squawkie Hill phase, where cult artifacts are found in mounds. In fact the typical rocker stamping is very extensive in the Northeast, being found well beyond the Hopewellian diagnostics. After about 250 A.D. the Hopewell Traditon traits disappear there. It is about the time that the cultures of the Midwest and East developed stronger regional differences, with many local sequences replacing the more uniform culture characteristic of Hopewell dominance. Even so, as in the widespread dentate pottery decoration, vestiges of Hopewell ancestry can be noted. In New York, for example, the development of late Point Peninsula into Owasco and even historic Iroquois can be tied through a few ceramic traits to Hopewell."

Zapotec pg. 222-224:  "The golden age of Zapotec civilization can be divided into phases, called Monte Alban IIIa and IIIb.  While far radiocarbon samples from either phase have been run, the available dates (and traded pottery from other regions) suggest that IIIa falls roughly between A.D. 200 and 500, while IIIb falls roughly between 500 and 700.
    Period IIIa, because of its distinctively decorated pottery, shows up strongly on surface survey.  This is fortunate, since it makes it easier to show the significant changes in settlement pattern that took place between Monte Alban II and IIIa.  Those changes included substantial increases in population, great shifts in the demographic center of gravity of the Valley of Oaxaca, and increased use of defensible localities.
    Period IIIb, in contrast, had relatively drab pottery which is difficult to distinguish from that of subsequent phase, Monte Alban IV.  When large Period IIIb sites are excavated, they often contain pottery types traded from the Maya region, types whose ages are well established.  On surface survey, however, Periods IIIb and IV are difficult to separate unless one has a very large sample of pottery."

Mexico pg. 113, 115, 119, 120-126, 126-127:  "Down the Gulf Coast plain, new civilizations appeared in the Early Classic which in some respects reflect continuity from the Olmec tradition of the lowlands, as well as intrusive elements ultimately derived from Teotihuacan.  The site of Cerro de las Mesas lies in the middle of the former Olmec territory, in south-central Veracruz, approximately 15 miles from the Bay of Alvarado, on a broad band of high land above the swamps of the Rio Blanco.  The site is the ceter of an area dotted with earthen mounds."

Maya pg. 84, 88-89, 97, 100:  "Shortly after AD 400, the highlands fell under Teotihuacan domination.  A intrusive group of central Mexicans from that city apparently seized Kaminaljuyu and built for themselves a miniature version of their captial.  An elite class ruling over a captive population of Maya descent, they were swayed by native cultural tastes and traditions and became "Mayanized" to the extent that they imported from the Central Area pottery and other wares with which to stock their tombs.  The Esperanza culture which arose at Kaminalijuyu during the Early Classic, then, is a kind of hybrid."

[292] 4 Nephi 1:26-28

[293] Mexican History pg. 36-39

Mexico pg. 100-103, 124-125:  "In Karl Taube's view, as we have seen, the presiding deity of the Teotihuacan pantheon was the Spider Woman, the patroness of our own world; she was probably the equivalent of the later Aztec Toci, 'Our Grandmother.'  Many of the other gods of the complete Mexican pantheon are already clearly recognizable at Teotihuacan.  Here were worshipped the Rain God ('Tlaloc' to the Aztecs) and the Feathered Serpent (the later 'Quetzalcoatl'), as well as the Sun God, the Moon Goddess, and Xipe Totec (Nahuatl for 'Our Lord the Flayed One'), the last-named being the symbol of the annual renewal of vegetation with the onset of the rainy season.  Particularly common are incense burners fo the Old Fire God, a creator divinity and the probable consort of the Spider Woman.  A colossal statue represents the Water Goddess (in Nahuatl, Chalchiuhtlicue, 'Her Skirt Is of Jade'), but there is an even larger statue, weighing almost 200 metric tons and now in front of the Museum of Anthropology in Mexico City; found in an unfinished state on the slopes of Tlaloc Mountain, it is identified in the popular Mexican consciousness with that deity, but its exact identification is unknown.  At any rate, it should be noted that almost all the gods venerated in this great urban captital were intimatley connected with the well-being of maize, with their staff of life."

People pg. 487:  "A hereditary elite seems to have ruled Monte Alban, the leaders of a state that had emerged in the Valley of Oaxaca by AD 200.  Their religious power was based on ancestor worship, a pantheon of art least 39 gods, grouped around major themes of ritual life.  The rain god and lightning were associated with the jaguar motif; another group of deities was linked with the maize god, Pitao Cozabi.  Nearly all these gods were still worshiped at the time of the Spanish contact, although Monte Alban itself was abandoned after AD 700, at approximately the same time as another great ceremonial center, Teotihuacan, in the Valley of Mexico, began to decline."

[294] 4 Nephi 1:26-34

[295]  Gods and Symbols pg. 136-137

Zapotec pg. 208-210:  "By A.D. 200 the Zapotec had extended their influence from Quioteopec in the north to Ocelotepec and Chiltepec in the south.  Their noble ambassadors had presented gifts to the rulers of Chiapa de Corzo and established a Zapotec enclave at Teotihuacan in the Basin of Mexico.  Monte Alban had become the largest city in the southern Mexican highlands and would remain so fa the next 500 years.  That half millennium, from A.D. 200-700, has been called the "golden age of Zapotec civilization."

People pg. 490, 496:  "By AD 600, Teotihuacan probably was governed by a secular ruler who was looked upon as a divine king of some kind.  A class of nobels controlled the kinship groups that organized the bulk of the city's huge population.
    Copan is just on of many sites where archaeologists have documented the complicated political and social history of Maya civilization.  The public monuments erected by the Classic Maya emphasize not only the king's role as shaman, as the intermediary with the Otherworld, but also his position as family patriarch.  Genealogical texts on stelae legitimize his decent, his close relationship to his often long-deceased parents.  Maya kings used both the awesome regalia of their office and elaborate rituals to stress their close identity with mythical ancestral gods.  This was a way in which they asserted their kin relationship and political authority over subordinate leaders and every member of society.
    The king believed himself to have a divine covenant with the gods and ancestors, a covenant that was reinforced again and again in elaborate private and public rituals.  The king was often depicted as the World Tree, the conduit by which humans communicated with the Otherworld.  Trees were the living enviroment of Maya life and a metaphor for human power.  So the kings of the Maya were a forest of symbolic human World Trees within a natural, forested landscape."

[296]  Maya chap 4-6

"Paricularly impressive are its six temple-pyramids, veritable skyscrapers among buildings of their class.  From the level of the plaza floor to the top of its roof comb, Temple IV, the mightiest of all, measures 229 ft in height.  Teh core of Tik'al must be its great plaza, flanked on west and east by two of these temple-pyramids, and on the north by the acropolis already mentioned in connection with its Late Preclassic and Early Classic tombs, and on the southby the Central Acropolis, a palace complex.  Some of the major architecural groups are connected to the Great Plaza and with each other by broad causeways, over which many splendid processions must have passed in the days of Tik'al's glory.  The palaces are so impressive, their plastered rooms often still retaining in their vaults the sapodilla-wood spanner beams which had only a decorative function."

Zapotec chap 13-15:   "Not all temples were of the two-room type;  some were left open on all sides.  An example is Building II of Monte Alban, described by Ignacio Benal as "a small temple with five pillars in the front and another five in the back... It never had side walls and in fact was open to the four winds."  On the south side of this "open" temple, excavators found the entrance to a tunnel which allowed priests to enter and leave the building unseen, crossing beneath the eastern half of the Main Plaza to a building on the plaza's central spine.
     Structure 36, the oldest temple, dated to early Monte Alban II.  It measured 11 x 11 m and was slightly T-shaped, the inner room slightly smaller than the outer.  Both columns flanking the inner doorway, and all four columns flanking the outer doorway, were made from the trunks of baldcypress trees.  So well does cypress wood preserve that identifiable fragments of it were still present in the column bases.
    One model of a temple from the Tlacolula subvalley is particularly interesting, as its doorway is shown as having been closed with a feather curtain.  Such curtains were luxurious furnishings made by sewing together thousands upon thousands of feathers from brightly colored birds; they may also have been used to close the doors of palaces."

Mexico chap 6:  "The palace compounds were the residences of the lords of the city, such as those uncovered at the zones called by the modern names Xolalpan, Tetitla, Zacuala, and Atetelco, or the magnificent 'Quetzal-Butterfly' Palace near the Pyramid of the Moon.  Typical of the palace layout might be Xolalpan, a rectangular complex of about fourty-five rooms and seven forecourts; these bourder four platforms, which are arranged around a cenral court.  The court was depressed below the general ground level and was open to the sky, with a small altar in the center.  While windows were lacking, several of the rooms had smaller sunken courts very much like the Roman atria, into which light and air wer admitted throuh the roof, supported by surrounding columns.  The rainwater in the sunken basins could be drained off when desired.  All palaces known were one-storied affairs, with flat roofs built from beams adn small sticks and twigs, overlaign by earth and rubble.  Doorways were rectangular and covered by a cloth."

[297]  People pg. 490, 496: (SAME AS NOTE 295 ABOVE)

Zapotec pg. 208-210: "The Zapotec cocui, or hereditary lord, and his xonaxi, or royal wife, lived in residential palaces fitting the historic description of the yoho quehui, or "royal house."  Many of these were residents 20-25 m on one side, divided into 10-12 rooms arranged around an interior patio.  Typical features were L-shaped corner rooms, some with apparent sleeping benches.  Privacy was provided by a "curtain wall" just inside the main doorway, which screened the interior of the palace from view.  Doors were probably closed with elegant weavings, or even brightly colored feather curtains.  In some Zapotec palaces, no two rooms have their floors at exactly the same level.  This might have been a way of ensuring that the coqui's head was higher than anyone else's, even when he was asleep.
      As for the rulers themselves, they are often depicted in ceramic sculpture- seated on thrones or crosslegged on royal mats, weighed down with jewelry and immense feather headdresses.  Rulers evidently had a variety of masks, so many that one wonders if their faces were ever seen by commoners.  Rulers in many cultures have disguised themselves to maintain the myth that they were not mere mortals, and Zapotec kings seem to have had numerous costumes depending on the occasion.  Their ties to Lightning were reinforced by jade or wooden masks depicting the powerful face of Cociyo; their roles as warriors were reinforced by wearing a mask made from the facial skin of a flayed captive.
    A magnificent example of the latter can be seen in the funerary urn from Tomb 103, a royal burial beneath a palace at Monte Alban.  The Zapotec ruler sits on his throne in the guise of a warrior, holding a staff or war club in his right hand.  In his left he grasps the hair of an enemy's severed head, as he peers through the dried skin of a flayed enemy's face.  His headdress, featuring the plumes of birds from distant cloud forests, covers not only his head but also the back of his throne.  Jade spools in his earlobes, a massive jade necklace, and a kilt covered with tubular sea shells add to his elegance that, in the tradition of the figurines of 850-700 BC, the sculptor has paid great attention to every detail of the lord's sandals, right down to the tying of the laces.
    An earlier generation of scholars assumed that these spectacular urns, usually found in royal tombs, depicted "gods."  Today we believe that most of them represent venerated ancestors of the main individuals in the tomb.  Some urns bear glyphs with names taken from the 260- day calendar.  Supernatural like Lightning, being immortal, were not named for days in Zapotec calendar.  It is also the case that the figures on most urns, even when grotesquely masked, are undeniably human behind their disguises.
            In cosmology it is always crucial to distinguish between actual supernatural beings- depicted in Mesoamerica by combining parts of different animals, so as to create something obviously "unnatural"- and real humans who had metamorphosed into the heroes and heroines of legend.  The latter were humans who had acquired, through death and heredity, some of the attributes of the supernatural.  We suspect that Zapotec funerary urns- many of which are one-of-a-kind masterpieces made to accompany rulers in their tombs- provided a venue to which the pee, or animate spirit, of these heroes and royal ancestors could return.  This would allow the deceased ruler to continue to consult with his or her important ancestors, much as we think the women of the early village period invoked their ancestors through figurines."

[298]  Maya pg. 195 (see also pictures of sculptures and murals throughout Chap. 5);  (see also pottery from any region, especially Mimbre Culture in Southwest)

"Immediately after birth, Yuateacan mothers washed their infants and then fastened them to a cradle, their little heads compressed between two boards in such a way that after two days a permanent fore-and-aft flattening had taken place which the Maya considered a mark of beauty.  As soon as possible, the anxious parents went to consult with a priest so as to learn the destiny of their offspring, and the name which he or she  was to bear until baptism.
    The Spanish Fathers were quite astounded that the Maya had a baptismal rite, which took place at an auspicious time when there were a number of boys and girls between the ages of three and twelve in the settlement.  The ceremony took place in the house of a town elder, in the presence of their parents who had observed various abstinences in honor of the occasion.  The children and their fathers remained inside a cord held by four old and venerable men representing the Chaks or Rain Gods, while the priest performed various acts of purifaction and blessed the candidates with incense, tobacco, and holy water.  From that time on the elder girls, at least, were marriageable.
    In both highlands and lowlands, boys and young men stayed apart from their families in special communal houses where they presumably learned the arts of war, and other things as well, for Landa says that the prostitutes were frequent visitors.  Other youthful diversions were gambling and the ball game.  The double standard was present among the Maya, for girls were strictly brought up by their mothers and suffered grievious punishments for lapes of chastity.  Marriage was arranged by go-betweens and, as among all peoples with exogamous clans or lineages, there were strict rules about those whom alliances could or could not be made- particularly taboo was marriage with those of the same paternal name.  Monogamy was the general custom, but important men who could afford it took more wives.  Adultry was punished by death, as among the Mexicans.
    Ideas of personal comeliness were quite different from ours, although the friars were much impressed with the beauty of the Maya women.  Both sexes had their frontal teeth filed in various patterns, and we have many ancient Maya skulls in which the incisors have benn inlaid with small plaques of jade.  Until marraige, young men painted themselves black (and so did warriors at all times); tattooing and decorative scarification began after wedlock, both men and women being richly elaborated from the waist up by these means.  Slightly crossed eyes were held in great esteem, and parents attempeted to induce the condition by hanging small beads over the noses of their children."

Prehistory pg. 306-308: "Initial Basketmaker II is now dated at about the time of Christ, persisting until about 500 A.D. Its identifying traits are familiar, being those cited for the Archaic culture and remindful of the material from Tularosa Cave. The sites are most often to be found in caves, alcoves, or overhangs. In such situations, the perishable artifacts are preserved, as are the bodies of the dead. The practice of skull deformation which later proved popular, had not yet appeared.
     Other additions to the Pueblo I trait list include cotton cloth, jacal construction, and the practice of cranial deformation- steeply angled flattening of the optical area- resulting probably from the use of a ridged cradleboard. Both the cotton and the cranial flattening appear in earlier Mongollon."

Zapotec pg. 105-106:  "Now let us turn to another attribute that cannot reflect achievement: deliberate cranial deformation.  At the time of the Spanish Conquest it was considered a sign of nobility, like the wearing of quetzal plumes and jade earplugs.  Cranial deformation must be done early in life, while the skull is still growing and it bones still separated by cartilage.  For the ancient Maya, cranial deformation took place shortly after birth.  The sixteenth-century Spaniard Diego de Landa says "four of five days after the infant was born, they placed it stretched out upon a little bed, made of sticks of osier and reeds; and there with its face upwards, they put its head between which they compressed it tightly, and here they kept it suffering until at the end of several days, the head remained flat and molded."
     Some sixteenth-century Aztec informants revealed that "When the children are very young, their heads are soft and can be molded in the shape that you see ours to be, by using two pieces of wood hollowed out in the middle.  This custom, given to our ancestors by the gods, gives us a noble air."
    Cranial deformation results from actions taken by one's parents, long before one is old enough to have achieved anything; thus, if cranial deformation reflects high rank, it must be inherited high rank.  Two types of deformation were practiced in early Mesoamerican villages.  Tabular deformation, the most common, was caused by pressing the skull between a fixed occipital cradleboard and a free board on the forehead.  Annular deformation was caused by tying a band around the head.  Each type of deformation could be erect or oblique, depending of the angle at which it was applied.
    Tabular deformation was the most common type in the San Jose phase, and could occur with either sex; some of the men buried with Lightning vessels were so deformed.  One teenage girl from San Jose Mogote, however, showed annular deformation, a practice still rare at this time.  It is possible that she was a bride from another ethnic region, where annular deformation was more common.  The girl's burial position- face up, arms folded on her chest- was also atypical for that residential ward.
    We believe that certain children inherited the right to have their skulls deformed, and that certain male children inherited the right to be buried with Earth or Sky motifs.  Because such burials were not always accompanied by impressive sumptuary goods, one cannot make a simplistic claim of "chiefly burials" for them.  We suspect that these were children born into the descent groups from which future leaders were likely to come.  However, not everyone born into such a group automatically became a leader.  Almost certainly, to receive truly elegant burial gifts, one had to add achievement to one's high-status pedigree."

[299]  Mysteries pg. 184-186

Prehistory pg. 247-249, 261, 268-271, 282: "Monks Mound dominated from its north end of a vast plaza of some 200 acres enclosed in a bastioned palisade or stockade of large posts. Along each side of the plaza were twelve or more platform and conical mounds with a single platform at the south end of the plaza. Outside the Monks Mound enclosure to north, south, east, and west were dozens of other mounds dominating other plazas. But there were four other large, but lesser mound groups clustered around smaller plazas. Everywhere over the entire bottom and on the valley bluffs to the east were sources of hamlets and farmsteads, which are believed to have supported the centers with foodstuffs and services.
     The distribution of these big sites, their locations on water courses, and their very size lead some scholars to postulate that they were religious and administrative centers, peopled primarily by a powerful upper class that controlled trade and, possibly, population distribution and, of course, possessed absolute political and religious power.
     There is no doubt that there was an elite Mississippian social class. This is attested by the rich mortuary offerings and the elaborate ceremonies with which the burials were made. Burials occurred on the tops of the pyramid mounds, a mortuary ritual that can be identified wherever the mound groups are found. The uniformity of occurrence has led to the interpretation that there were elite lineages and that their high status was ascribed by virtue of birth, because even children were sometimes accorded elaborate burial ceremony and grave goods. However, near or in the towns were large cemeteries, where lower-class citizens were buried. Here too, there is an occasional richly accompanied burial, but the objects are of a different nature, such as the tools or creations of a craftsman. Such persons are believed to have achieved a relatively high status through merit rather than birth."

[300] 4 Nephi 1:24-46; Mormon 1:13-19

[301]   Prehistory pg. 294-298, 300, 318

Mexico pg. 117, 119:  "Other panels involve the beginning of the game, while in a final scene the losing captain is apparently being sacrificed by the victors, who brandish a flint knife over his heart: the game played in the courts of El Tajin was not lightly won or lost.  The central panels on either side of the court concern the sacred drink pulque, and maguey plants from which this intoxicating beverage was made; over one of these, the Tajin version of the Mexican rain god Tlaloc presides, while on its counterpart opposite, this same god replenishes a pool of pulgue with blood taken from his own penis, watched by deity with a fish headdress."

Maya pg. 104, 106, 110-112:

[302] 4 Nephi 1:46

[303]   Prehistory pg. 236-243, 318-320;  Tula pg. 46

Zapotec pg. 224:  "Period IIIa, because of its distinctively decorated pottery, shows up strongly on surface survey.  This is fortunate, since it makes it easier to show the significant changes in settlement pattern that took place between Monte Alban II and IIIa.  Those changes included substantial increases in population, great shifts in the demographic center of gravity of the Valley of Oaxaca, and increased use of defensible localities. 
    Period IIIb, in contrast, had relatively drab pottery which is difficult to distinguish from that of the subsequent phase, Monte Alban IV (roughly A.D. 700-1000).  When large Period IIIb sites are excavated, they often contain pottery types traded from the Maya region, types whose ages are well established.  On surface survey, however, Periods IIIb and IV are difficult to separate unless one has a very large sample of pottery."

Mexico pg. 91, 103-105, 144-147:  "On the basis of a technology that was essentially Neolithic- for metals were unknown until after AD 900- the Mexicans raised fantastic numbers of buildings, decorated them with beatiful poychrome murals, produced pottery and figurines in unbelievable quantity, and covered everything with sculptures.  Even mass production was introduced, with the invention (or importation from South America) of the clay mold for making figurines and incense burners. 
    Yet it may be fruitless to look at the Valley of Teotihuacan alone for the secret of the capital's remarkable success, for the city that we have described held sway over most of the central highlands of Mexico during the Early Classic, and perhaps over much of Mesoamerica.  Like the later Aztec state, it may have depended as much on long-distance trade and tribute as upon local agricultural production.  Teotihuacan influence and probably control in some instances were strong even in regions remote from the capital, such as the Gulf Coast, Oaxaca, and the Maya area.  Elegant vases of pure Teotihuacan manufacture are found in the buirals of nobels all over Mexico at this time, and the art of the Teoihuacnaos dominated the germinating styles of the other high civilizations of Mesoamerica.  Six hundred and fifty miles to the southeast, in the highlands of Guatemala on the outskirts of the modern capital of that republic, a little 'city' has been found that is in all respects a minature copy of Teotihuacan. 
    Those hardy pioneers who during Toltec times pushed up northwest along the eastern flanks of the Sierra Madre into Chichimec country, sowing their crops in what had once been barren ground, necessarily were forced to live a frontier life.  As a matter of fact, this entension of cultivation into the barbarian zone had begun as far back as the Early Classic period, but it is not until the Post-Classic taht one can see any major results, when a series of strongpoints was constructed.
    The deep interest of the central Mexicans in the Chichmec zone lying between them and the American Southwest went far beyond the mere search for new lands, however.  The site of Alta Vista, near the town of Chalchihuites, Zacatecas, lies astride the Tropic of Cancer, about 390 miles northwest of Tula.  It was taken over by Teotihuacan (or Teotihuacan-controlled) people about AD 350, and was exploited all through the Classic for the richness of its local mines, probably, as Professor Dihel thinks, through slave labor.  Over 750 mines are known in the area, from which came such rare minerals as malachite, cinnabar, hematite, and rock crystal, which were exported to Teotihuacan for processing into elite artifacts.  Alta Vista itself is little more than ceremonial center with a colonnaded hall on a defensible hill, but it is possible that this architectural trait, along with the tzompantli or skull rack, may have provided a Classic prototype for these features at Tula.
    At some time in the Classic, turquoise deposits were discovered and exploited in New Mexico, in all likelihood by the Pueblo farming cultures that had old roots there.  From there turquoise was taken to Alta Vista and worked into mosaics and similar objects, for export into central Mexico.  Trace element analysis, carried out through neutron activation by Dr. Garman Harbottle at the Brookhave National Laboratory, has resulted in very precise data on the turquoise trade between Mesoamerica and the American Southwest, which greatly expanded with the onset of the Early Post-Classic, by which time the major source at Cerrillos, New Mexico, was under the control of the people responsible for the great apartment houses of Chaco Canyon.
    In this trade, Alta Vista was an early intermediary.  About AD 900, just as the Toltecs were coming to power, it and its hinterland were abandoned.  Its successor as turquoise middleman may have been La Quemada, a very large hilltop fortress in the state of Zacatecas, 106 miles to the southwest of Alta Vista.  To guard against Chichimec raids, a great stone wall girdles the summit, within which the bulk of the populace (perhaps a Toltec-dominated local tribe) lived, farming the surrounding countryside.  Outside the wall, on the lower slopes of the hill, is the ceremonial center of La Quemada: a very odd 33 ft high pyramid built up of stone slabs, not truncated and lacking a stairway, along with a colonnaded hall recalling Alta Vista and Tula.  On the summit are serveral platform-pyramids and a complex of walled courts surrounded by rooms.
    The two-way nature of the Toltec contact with the Pueblo peoples can be seen at the site of Casas Gandes, Chihuahua, not far south of the border with New Mexico.  The florescence of Casas Grandes was coeval with the late Tollan phase at Tula, and with early Aztec.  While the population lived in Southwestern-style apartment houses, the Mesoamerican component can be seen in the presence of platform temple mounds, and I-shaped ball courts, and the cult of the Feathered Serpent.  Warehouses filled with rare Southwestern minerals, such as turquoise, were found by Charles DiPeso, the excavator of Casas Grandes.  What was traveling north?  The Pueblo Indians have a deep ritual need for feathers from tropical birds like parrots and macawas, since these symoblize fertility and the heat of the summer sun.  Special pens were discovered at the site in which scarlet macaws were kept, apparently brought there by the Toltecs to exchange for the wonderful blue-green turquoise, or perhaps to pay the natives of New Mexico for working the turquoise mines.
    It is fairly clear that all these sites were invloved in the trasmission of Toltec traits into the American Southwest, in particular the conlonaded masonary building and the platform pyramid; the ball court and the game played in it; copper bells; perhaps the idea of masked dancers; and the worship of the Feathered Serpent, which still plays a role in the rituals of people like the Hopi and Zuni.  It is also clear that these triats ran along a trading route, a 'Turquoise Road,' so to speak, analogous to the famous Silk Road of the Old World the bound civilized and 'barbarian' alike into a single cultural whole.
    A similar movement of Toltec traits took place in the southeastern United States at the same time, probably via the people living on the other side of the cental plateau, but little is known of the archaeology of that region.  In Alabama, Georgia, Tennessee, and Illinois, sites with huge temple mounds and ceremoninal plazas, and their associated pottery and other artifacts, show Toltec influence.  Suffice it is to say here that most of the more spectacular aspects of the late farming cultures of the United State blend native elements with cultrual traits from Early Post-Classic Mexico.
    The 'Turquoise Road' continued to flourish throughout the Post-Classic period, right until the coming of the Spainards, who found the mineral of little monteray value.  Dr. Harbottle and the archaeologist Phil Weigand have demonstrated that eventually there were many mines in operation in the Southwest and over the border into Mexico, and that the Pueblo peoples were exporting this substance as highly polished tesserae down into central Mexico on routes which ran on both sides on the western Sierra Madre.  The ultimate outpost of this vast mercantile exchange was Chichen Itza, where a complete tezcacuitlapilli mirror was discovered resting on a red-painted jaguar throne inside the city's famous Castillo pyramid; on its reverse side was a turquoise mosaic featuring four encircling Fire Serpents, exactly as depicted on Tula's warrior atlantids."

Maya pg. 83-101:  Few of the pottery vessels from the Esperanza tombs are represented in the rubbish strewn around Kaminalijuyu, from which it is clear that they were intended for the use of the invading class alone.  Some of these were actually imported from Teotihuacan itself, probably carried laboriously over the intervening 800 or 900 miles on back racks such as those still used by native traders in the Maya highlands."

[304] Prehistory pg. 258-260

     "The discussion of maize as a staple food requires review in the context of the much larger concept of food production. It is interesting to note that worldwide, coincident with an increasing dependence on any cereal, the overall health and quality of life of a population deteriorates in many ways. Many diseases and nutritional deficiencies or stresses leave evidence of their occurrence in the bones of the body. This it is possible for a paleopathologist to detect in the skeleton many of the unhealthful conditions individuals have experienced during their lives. Thanks to research with archaeological populations recovered from locations in the Americas, Europe, and Near East, it has been possible for scholars to arrive at some general observations that are contrary to one's expectations. Most of the paleopathologies observed in both historic and prehistoric skeletal populations are related to nutritional stress. Foods lacking in minerals, basic fats, proteins, and amino acids and, more commonly, insufficient food over varyingly long periods of ten leave their marks.
     Diseases that cause bone lesions, as well as others that leave no skeletal evidence, are more likely to attack during periods of nutritional stress. Even more conducive to infectious diseases are the unsanitary conditions attending sedentism, a living pattern that usually accompanies the practice of horticulture. When prehistoric people lived together in permanent or semi permanent housing in clustered situations, the incidence of tuberculosis increased markedly, in some Midwest farming populations, for example, over the Woodland incidence of the disease."

[305] Maya Chap 4-6 (pictures); Mexico Chap 6 (pictures); Zapotec Chap 15 (pictures)

[306] Prehistory pg. 249, 300

     "Warfare seems to have been common at that time, as the villages are palisaded and located on hills or steep stream banks where defense was easier. The communal longhouse exiseted by then, albeit smaller that the later Iroquois structure. Thus the essential elements of the Iroquois pattern- corn agriculture, villages palisaded in defensible positions on streams, an artistic treatment of tobacco pipes, bone-bundle burials, dogs sometimes used as food, and ceramics clearly ancestral to historic Iroquois pottery- were present by 1300 A.D."

[307] Mexican History pg. 25-27; Prehistory pg. 294-297, 299, 318; Gods and Symbols pg. 42-44

Zapotec pg. 180, 188-191, 226:  "It was apparently during Monte Alban II that "state ballcourts" in the shape of a Roman numeral I first appeared.  It is difficult to put these courts in historic perspective, since we have little information on the ballgame itself.
    As early as 1000 BC, some small figurines made at Mesoamerican villages seem to be wearing gloves, knee guards, and other equipment associated with a prehispanic ball game.  This game was played with heavy balls made of latex from the indigenous rubber tree.  Three such balls were preserved by waterlogging at El Manati in southern Veracruz, a site dating to 1000-700 BC.
    This later type of court was called lachi by the Zapotec, and the game was called queye or quiye.  While we do not know the rules by which it was played, it probably resebled the Aztec game called olamaliztli or ulama, in which the ball could not be touched with the hands; it was struck instead with the hips, elbows, and head as in modern soccer.
    Why would the Zapotec state invest in the construction and standardization of I-shaped ballcourts, in effect promoting an "official" game?  No one is sure, but some scholars believe that the ballgame played a role in conflict resolution between communities.  It has been suggested that when two opposing towns competed in a state-supervised athletic contest, held on a standardized court at their regional administrative center, the outcome of the game might be taken as a sign of supernatural support for the victorious community.  This, in turn, might lessen the likelihood that the two towns would actually go to war."

Mexico pg. 112, 115-119, 121, 123, 136, 142, 146-147:  "Above all, the inhabitants of El Tajin were obsessed with the ball game, human sacrifice, and death, three concepts closely interwoven in the Mesoamerican mind.  The courts, which are up to 197 ft long, are formed by two facing walls, with stone surface either vertical or battered.  Magnificent bas reliefs in some of them are witness of the drama of the game, with scenes showing mythology associated with it, and ceremonies in which the particapants are the players themselves, all wearing the appropriate paraphernalia."

Maya pg. 99, 108-109, 114, , 116, 118, 163-164:  "Ball courts seem to be present at many sites in the Central Area, but they are more frequent and better made in the southeast, at sites like Copan.  These courts are of stucco-faced masonry, and have sloping playing sufaces.  At Copan, three stone markers were placed on each side, and three set into the floor of the court, but the exact method of scoring in the game is obscure.  Toward the western part of teh Central Area, in centers along the Usumacinta River, sweat baths are known, possibly adopted from Mexio where such structures can still be found in many highland towns.
    Reliefs of skulls and manikin figures of skeletons are not uncommon.  Their second obession was the rubber ball game.  Secure evidence for the game comes from certain stone objects that are frequent in the Cotzumalhuapn zone and in fact over much of the Pacific Coast down to El Salvador.  Of these, most typical are the U-shaped stone "yokes" which represented the heavy protective belts of wood and leather worn by the contestants; and thin heads or hachas with human faces, grotesque carnivores, macaws, and turkeys, generally thought to be markers for the zones of the court, but worn on the yoke during post game ceremonies.  Both are sure signs of a close affiliation to the Classic cultures of the Mexican Gulf Coast, where such ballgame paraphernalia undoubtedly originated."

[308] Gods and Symbols pg. 42-44

[309] Mexican History pg. 25-27;  Gods and Symbols pg. 42-44

Mexico pg. 115-119:  (SAME AS NOTE 307 ABOVE)
    "Other panels involve the beginning of the game, while in a final scene the losing captain is apparently being sacrificed by the victors, who brandish a flint knife over his heart: the game played in the courts of El Tajin was not lightly won or lost."

[310]  Mexican History pg. 25-27; Gods and Symbols pg. 42-44

Mexico pg. 115-119, 142:  "In line with the claim that human sacrifce was introduced in the last phase of Tula by the Tezcatlipoca faction, there are several depictions of teh cuauhxicalli, the sacred 'eagle vessel' designed to recieve human hearts, as well as a tzompantli, the altar decorated with skulls and crossbones on which the heads of captives were displayed.  In fact, the base of an actual tzompantli has been found just to the east of Ball Court 2, the largest at the site; fragments of human skulls littered its surface.  In accordance with Mesoamerican custom, these were probably trophies from losers in a game that was 'played for keeps'!"

[311] Mexican History pg. 25-27

Mexico pg. 115-119:  "The Building of the Columns is the largest 'palace' complex at the site.  The drums of the columns are carved with narrative scenes from the ceremonial life of the city.  The most interesting of these depicts a procession of victorious warriors bringing stripped captives to the to the enthroned ruler, a personage with the calendrical name 13 Rabbit; before him lies the corpse of a disembowled victim.  Similar names taken from the 260-day count are found here and elsewhere at El Tajin, but it is doubtful whether a writing system as advanced as those of the Zapotecs or Maya existed here."

[312] Mexican History pg. 25-27; Prehistory pg. 306; Gods and Symbols pg. 42-44

[313] Mexican History pg. 48-50; Prehistory pg. 319-320

[314]  Prehistory pg. 238, 247, 249, 261-263, 268, 270-278, 294-297, 299, 308, 319-320; Chiapas Artifacts pg. 199

Zapotec pg. 208-209, 216-221:  "In the second half of Monte Alban III, referred as Period IIIb, Reyes Etla was an important Tier 2 or 3 center in the Etla region.  One tomb there had its doorway flanked by two remarkable carved stone jambs.  Each shows a Zapotec lord in jaguar or puma warrior costume, holding a lance in his hand.  Their names are given as 5 Flower and 8 Flower.  Each stands below the "Jaws of the Sky" and has a "hill sign" beneath his feet.  These jamb figures may represent relatives or ancestors who guarded the tomb, suggesting that even the nobles of Tier 2-3 centers were persons of great importance."

[315] Mormon 2:8; Moroni 8:27-29; 9:18-23

[316] Mormon 2-6 (approximately 60 years from Zarahemla to Cumorah; about 25 years from Desolation to Cumorah)

[317] This section will show evidences that the destructions began in Yucatan, passed across the Mexican Highland, up through West Mexico, across the Northwest Mexico and the American Southwest and Midwest and up into the Northeast to Cumorah covering almost the entire continent of North America.

[318] Mormon 5:8-11; 6:1, 5-22; 8:7

[319] Mexico pg. 107-112

"Both murals suggest some sort of opposition or juxtaposition between Eagles and Jaguars, perhaps symbolic of the knightly orders which we know from Post-Classic Mexico.  Such an opposition is vividly depicted on the talud of Building B, on which is realistically painted a great battle in progress between jaguar-clad and feathered warriors, any one of whom might be at home on the reliefs of Seibal.  There is little doubt that the artist had seen such a conflict, for he depicts such grisly details as a dazed victim, seated on the ground holding his entrails in his hands.  The art historian Mary  Miller believes that such a battle had actually taken place, perhaps on the swampy plains of southwestern Campeche, but that it had been recast in supernatural terms, in that some of the contestents are improbably given feet of eagles and jaguars."

Maya 154-155:  "It is now evident that the ninth century was a time of turmoil over much of Mesoamerica, with the power of Teotihuacan long since gone, and the old order in the Maya lowlands breaking down.  In this power vacuum, the Putan, seasoned businessmen with strong contacts raging from central Mexico to the Caribbean coast of Honduras, must have played a very agressive role in a time of troubles, and their presence in the Mexican highlands may have played a formative role in what was to become the Toltec state."

[320]  Maya 154-155

(SAME AS NOTE 319 ABOVE)

Mexico pg. 107-112, 126-127:  "Stange things began happening in central Mexico during and after the disintegration of Teotihuacan's empire in the seventh century AD.  One of these was the appearance of foreigners, almost certainly from the Gulf Coast lowlands and the Yucatan Peninsula, towards the end of the Classic period.  The interrelationship of the highland Mexicans and the Maya has been established by archaeology, but this was usually the domination by the former of the latter, such as the takeover of Kaminalijuyu by Teotihuacanos.  During the Early Classic, there must have been at least one enclave of Maya traders at Teotihuacan, and a fine Maya jade plaque in the British Museum is supposed to have been found at that stie.  The Maya, with their advanced knowladge of astronomy and sophisticated writing system, probably exerted considerable intellecual and religious influence over the rest of Mesoamerica, and there is some evidence that the dreaded Tezcatlipoca, the great god of war and the royal house in Post-Classic Mexico, was of Maya origin."

[321] Mexico pg. 107-112; Maya 24 (color picture), 154-155

(SAME AS NOTE 319 ABOVE)

[322] Mormon 1:10-12

[323] Ancient Kingdoms pg. 112

[324] Mormon 2:1-3

[325]  Teotihuacan pg. 3-4; Ancient Kingdoms pg. 107-108

Mexico pg. 105-106:  "The city met its enc around AD 700 through deliberate destruction and burning by the hand of unknown invaders.  It was mainly the heart of the city that suffered the torch, especially the palaces and temples on each side of the Avenue of the Dead, from the Pyramid of the Moon to the Ciudadela.  Some internal crisis or long-term political and economic malaise, perhaps the distruption of its trade and tribute routes by a new polity such as the rising Xochiclaco state, may have resulted in the downfall, and it may be significant that by AD 600, at the close of the Early Classic, almost all Teotihuacan influence over the rest of Mesoamerica ceases.  No more do the nobility of other states stock their tombs with the refined products of the great city."

People pg. 491:  "William Sanders has argued that Teotihuacan, and all had been powerful states at the time of the former's collapse.
    Whatever the cause of Teotihuacan's collapse, its heyday marks the moment when one can begin to think of the Mesoamerican world in more than purely local and even regional, terms."

[326] Mormon 2:3-5

[327]  Zacatecas pg. 1-2; La Quemada pg. 85-109; this region is called West Mexico in most papers, finding material on this area is difficult because so little research has been done until more recent times; more research is needed in this region.

Mexico pg. 145:  "The deep interest of the central Mexicans in the Chichimec zone lying between them and the American Southwest went far beyond the mere search for new lands, however.  The site of Alta Vista, near the town of Chalchihuites, Zacatecas, lies astride the Tropic of Cancer, about 390 miles northwest of Tula."

[328] Mormon 2:5-16

[329] Aztatlan pg. 1-5; more research is needed in this region.

[330] Mormon 2:8

[331] Aztatlan pg. 4; more research is needed in this region.

[332] Mormon 2:16-20

[333] Mormon 2:20-26

[334]  Warfare pg. 154-186; Chaco Canyon is a well-known site in NW Mexico, there are many books and internet sites dedicated to it exclusively.

Prehistory pg. 310-319: "Aside from the widest distribution ever achieved by Pueblo people, the Pueblo II era is notable for the occurrence of some distinctive local social systems that were apparently quite complex. These have been called "systems of regional integration." The best known and by far the best studied of these distinctive regional subcultures is called the Chaco Phenomenon. It developed in the San Juan basin in northwestern New Mexico and impinged to some extent into extreme southwestern Colorado. The Phenomenon, centered in Chaco Canyon was short-lived, lasting about 200 years, from 900 A.D., or a little later, until just after 1100 A.D.
     There are other details and ramifications comprising the Chaco Phenomenon as currently hypothesized. The reasons for origins of the phenomenon and its suggestion of control remain obscure but not for lack of proposed explanations. An older school of thought tends to view the exotic Mexican artifacts as having arrived en bloc. Such traits as copper bells, macaws, inlaid shell, core veneer architecture, the great kivas and tower kivas, and cylindrical jars, are interpreted as imports. These traits, along with the evidence of central authority such as the building of huge towns to a standard plan, are not seen elsewhere. The influence of small bands of priests or traders who brought attractive new objects and ideas from the more complex and sophisticated Mexican cultures is often cited. Whether persuasion, force, or religious awe of the glamorous strangers provided the leverage toward acceptance is never clear. The idea of extensive trade, especially in turquoise, with the south has also been invoked, and there is good evidence for it. Turquoise occurs in Toltec sites in quantity. The few copper bells or macaws also suggest a systematic northward trade traffic in those commodities, but not a very extensive one. Whatever the explanation, the complex of roads, architecture, and exotic objects still appears anomalous in the Pueblo setting. It has been proposed that the roads facilitated the transporting of the thousands of huge logs used as roof beams in the houses and kivas.
     A second, later school sees the entire Chaco development as the complex end product of indigenous factors and influences to be analyzed and understood as a regional event and system. One popular theory is that by 700 A.D., cultigens were becoming a more significant part of the diet and the settlement of Chaco Canyon were arable land was plentiful increased to the point that by 900 A.D. all the prime horticultural lands in the wash or the valley were in use. But further population expansion, either through local increase or continued immigration, led to the exploitation of marginal lands away from the rich valley. The notoriously fickle southwestern summer rainfall and the violent, localized thunderstorms that fall capriciously over the San Juan Basin jeopardize farming somewhat. The crops in one district might prosper while nearby ones failed for lack of moisture."

[335] Mormon 3:1-3

[336] Prehistory pg. 310-314; almost every Anasazi site from this period has numerous kivas (e.g. Lowry ruins; Aztec ruins; Mesa Verde ruins; Chaco Canyon’s Pueblo Bonito, Casa Rinconada, Chettro Kettle, Pueblo del Arroyo, and Kin Kletso)

     "The great kivas, as much as 50 feet deep in diameter, were sometimes 10 feet deep and roofed with a horizontal domed cribbing of logs. There was a raised square fireplace flanked by two large masonry vaults, that is, pits lined with masonry. The walls and the encircling bench were also of thick stone masonry. Four huge posts or stone pillars for central support of the high, cribbed roof were arranged in a square a few feet in from the peripheral bench. On the wall above the bench were usually empty when found. A few had cashes of special artifacts inside, however, and were plastered over. The great kivas were entered by a stairway. The crib roofs of the kivas required more than an estimated 300 heavy logs. Usually these logs were pine, fir, or spruce that came from many miles away in the mountains to the northeast and west. In a desert setting such as Chaco Canyon, the ritual or symbolic value of the large kivas must have been high for the excavation and masonry lining the of the kiva pit."

[337] Moroni 7:1-5

[338] Mormon 3:1-3; Moroni 8:1-9

[339] Mormon 2:28-3:4

[340]  Tula pg. 42-43, 48-50; Mexican History pg. 38-39; Atlas pg. 105

Mexico pg. 131-144:  "Like many other Post-Classic states, Toltec society seems to have been composed of disparate tribal elements which had come together for obscure reasons.  One of these, which would appear to have been dominant, was called the Tolteca-Chichimeca.  The other group went under the name Nonoalca, and according to some scholars was made up of sculptors and artisans from the old civilized regions of Puebla and the Gulf Coast, brought in to construct the monuments of Tula.  The Toltca-Chichimeca, for their part, were probably the original Nahua-speakers who founded the Toltec state.  As their name implies, they were once barbarians, perhaps semi-civilized Chichimeca originating on the fringes of Mesoamerica among the Uto-Aztecans of western Mexico, for although it was said that 'they came from the interior of the plains, among the rocks,' their level of culture was substantially higher that that of the 'real' Chichimeca."

[341] Tula pg. 45; Gods and Symbols pg. 164-165

[342] Tula pg. 45

[343] Tula pg. 48-50

[344] Mexico pg. 107-112

"Strange things began happening in central Mexico during and after the disintergration of Teotihuacan's empire in the seventh century AD.  One of these was the appearance of foreigners, almost certainly from the Gulf Coast lowlands of the Yucatan Peninsula, towards the end of the Classic period.
    Xicallanco was an important trading town in southern Campeche controlled by the Putun, Maya-speaking seafaring merchants whose commercial interests ranged from teh Olmeca country, along teh coast of the entire Yucatan Peninsula, as far as the Carrabbean shore of Honduras."

Maya pg. 151-164:  "But what happened to the bulk of the population who once occupied the Central Area, apparently in the millions?  This is one of the great mysteries of Maya archaeology, since we have little or no evidence allowing us to come up with a solution.  The early Colonial chronicles in Yucatec Maya speak of a "Great Descent" and "Lesser Descent," implying two mighty streams of refuges heading north from the abandoned cities inot Yucatan, and Linda Schele and Peter Mathews, like Sylvanus Morley before them, believe that this account relfects historical fact.  Some may have migrated in a southerly direction, particularly into the Chiapas highlands.  So far, however, this puative diaspora seems to have left no real traces in the archaeolgical record."

[345] Mexico pg. 138-140

"The rear room had four square pillars, carved on all sides with Toltec warriors adorned with the sybols of the knightly orders.  There, in the sactuary, once stood a stone altar supported by little atlantean figures.  Also in the temple and in other parts of the ceremonial precinct wer peculiar scuptures called 'chacmools,' reclining personages bearing round dishes or receptacles for human hearts on their bellies; these were probably avartars of the Rain God.
    Around the four sides of Pyramid B were bas reliefs sybolizing the warrior orders on which the strength of the empire depended: prowling jaguars and coyotes, and eagles eating hearts, interspered with strange composite beasts thought to represent Quetzalcoatl.
    On the north side of the pyramid and parallel to it is the 131 ft long 'Serpent Wall', embellished with painted friezes, the basic motif of which is a serpent eating a human; the head has been reduced to a skull, and the flesh has been partially stripped from the long bones."

Maya pg. 151-164:  "The great city of Seibal on the Rio Pasion apparently recovered from its defeat at the hands of the far smaller Dos Pilas, but during the Terminal Classic it seems to have come under the sway of warriors (or warrior-traders) from a further afield.  The evidence is to be found in the part of the site known as Group A; in its south plaza sits an unusual four-sided structure with four stairways.  In front of each stariway is a stela, and a fith stands inside the temple."

[346]  Tula pg. 48-50

Mexico pg. 144-147:  "Alta Vista itself is little more than a ceremonial center with a colonnaded hall on a defensible hill, but it is possible that this architectural trait, along with the tzompntli or skull rack, may have provided a Classic protype for these features at Tula.
In this trade, Alta Vista was an early intermediary.  About AD 900, just as the Toltecs were coming to power, it and its hinterland were abandoned.  Its successor as turquoise middleman may have been La Quemada, a very large hilltop fortress in the state of Zacatecas, 106 miles to the southwest of Alta Vista.  To guard against Chichimec raids, a great stone wall girdles the summit, within which the bulk of the populace (perhaps a Toltec-dominated local tribe) lived, farming the surrounding countryside.  Outside the wall, on the lower slopes of the hill, is the ceremonial center of La Quemada: a very odd 33 ft high pyramid built up of stone slabs, not truncated and lacking a stairway, along with a colonnaded hall recalling Alta Vista and Tula.  On the summit are serveral platform-pyramids and a complex of walled courts surrounded by rooms."

[347] Mormon 3:1

[348] Warfare pg. 153-196

[349] Mexico pg. 144-147

"The two-way nature of the Toltec contact with the Pueblo peoples can be seen at the site of Casas Gandes, Chihuahua, not far south of the border with New Mexico.  The florescence of Casas Grandes was coeval with the late Tollan phase at Tula, and with early Aztec.  While the population lived in Southwestern-style apartment houses, the Mesoamerican component can be seen in the presence of platform temple mounds, and I-shaped ball courts, and the cult of the Feathered Serpent.  Warehouses filled with rare Southwestern minerals, such as turquoise, were found by Charles DiPeso, the excavator of Casas Grandes.  What was traveling north?  The Pueblo Indians have a deep ritual need for feathers from tropical birds like parrots and macawas, since these symoblize fertility and the heat of the summer sun.  Special pens were discovered at the site in which scarlet macaws were kept, apparently brought there by the Toltecs to exchange for the wonderful blue-green turquoise, or perhaps to pay the natives of New Mexico for working the turquoise mines.
    It is fairly clear that all these sites were invloved in the trasmission of Toltec traits into the American Southwest, in particular the conlonaded masonary building and the platform pyramid; the ball court and the game played in it; copper bells; perhaps the idea of masked dancers; and the worship of the Feathered Serpent, which still plays a role in the rituals of people like the Hopi and Zuni.  It is also clear that these triats ran along a trading route, a 'Turquoise Road,' so to speak, analogous to the famous Silk Road of the Old World the bound civilized and 'barbarian' alike into a single cultural whole."

[350]  Casas Grandes pg. 290-301, 309, 482-501

Prehistory pg. 289-327: "Such a situation, it is theorized, led to the creation of a network of exchange in which towns or districts with good crops shared with their less-fortunate neighbors. The theory calls for central storage and redistribution centers and some specialized control to make the system work. The big towns are given the role of central storage and distribution."

[351]   Prehistory pg. 317

Mexico pg. 146 (144-147):  "The two-way nature of the Toltec contact with the Pueblo peoples can be seen at the site of Casas Gandes, Chihuahua, not far south of the border with New Mexico.  The florescence of Casas Grandes was coeval with the late Tollan phase at Tula, and with early Aztec.  While the population lived in Southwestern-style apartment houses, the Mesoamerican component can be seen in the presence of platform temple mounds, and I-shaped ball courts, and the cult of the Feathered Serpent.  Warehouses filled with rare Southwestern minerals, such as turquoise, were found by Charles DiPeso, the excavator of Casas Grandes.  What was traveling north?  The Pueblo Indians have a deep ritual need for feathers from tropical birds like parrots and macawas, since these symoblize fertility and the heat of the summer sun.  Special pens were discovered at the site in which scarlet macaws were kept, apparently brought there by the Toltecs to exchange for the wonderful blue-green turquoise, or perhaps to pay the natives of New Mexico for working the turquoise mines."

People pg. 326-327:  "The dig showed that its inhabitants exchanged turquoise and painted pottery from the Southwest for marine shells and exotic bird feathers from Mexico.  Local traditions connect Casas Grande with a settelement named Paqime, which was more of a Mexican town than an Indian pueblo."

[352]  Casas Grandes pg. 290-309, 482-501

Prehistory pg. 289-327: "Monks Mound dominated from its north end of a vast plaza of some 200 acres enclosed in a bastioned palisade or stockade of large posts. Along each side of the plaza were twelve or more platform and conical mounds with a single platform at the south end of the plaza. Outside the Monks Mound enclosure to north, south, east, and west were dozens of other mounds dominating other plazas. But there were four other large, but lesser mound groups clustered around smaller plazas. Everywhere over the entire bottom and on the valley bluffs to the east were sources of hamlets and farmsteads, which are believed to have supported the centers with foodstuffs and services.
     The distribution of these big sites, their locations on water courses, and their very size lead some scholars to postulate that they were religious and administrative centers, peopled primarily by a powerful upper class that controlled trade and, possibly, population distribution and, of course, possessed absolute political and religious power.
     There is no doubt that there was an elite Mississippian social class. This is attested by the rich mortuary offerings and the elaborate ceremonies with which the burials were made. Burials occurred on the tops of the pyramid mounds, a mortuary ritual that can be identified wherever the mound groups are found. The uniformity of occurrence has led to the interpretation that there were elite lineages and that their high status was ascribed by virtue of birth, because even children were sometimes accorded elaborate burial ceremony and grave goods. However, near or in the towns were large cemeteries, where lower-class citizens were buried. Here too, there is an occasional richly accompanied burial, but the objects are of a different nature, such as the tools or creations of a craftsman. Such persons are believed to have achieved a relatively high status through merit rather than birth."

[353] Mormon 3:4-5

[354] Mormon 3:4-6

[355] Mexico pg. 146; it has been very difficult to find research on the sites of northern Durango and southern Chihuahua and Sonora; the site Zape or Sape depending on the literature is in about the right place geographically but the only book on the region I could find was very old and entailed only a surface reconnaissance of the site. A search of Journal Articles may prove fruitful.

[356] Mormon 3:4-4:19

[357] Mormon 4:19-22

[358] Mortuary Practices pg. 5-7, 75-76; Casas Grandes pg. 290-301, 484-485; Sierra Madre pg. 132

[359] Ibid.

[360] Warfare pg. 197-276; Prehistory pg. 320-321

[361] Mormon 4:19-5:2

[362] Warfare pg. 197-276; Prehistory pg. 320-321

[363] Mormon 2:7-8, 20-21; 3:5; 4:1-5, 11, 20-23; 5:3-8

[364] Warfare pg. 197-276

People pg. 326-329:  "At the same time that people concentrated in larger sites, there was depopulation of many areas of the northern Southwest.  The reasons for these changes are imperfectly understood.  It may be that the changes genterated by the developments in Chaco and elsewhere caused people to congregate more closely.  Alternatively, it has been argued that some climatic and enviromental changes, as yet little understood, may have caused major shifts in the settlement pattern.  More likely, a combination of enviromental, societal, and adaptive changes set in motion a period of turbulence and culture change."

[365] Moroni 9:7-10

[366] Mortuary Practices pg. 7; Warfare pg. 169-176

[367] Mortuary Practices pg. 71-72; Warfare pg. 169-176

[368] Mortuary Practices pg. 1, 71

[369] Moroni 9:7-8

[370] Warfare pg. 233 (80-81, 83, 161, 324)

[371] Mormon 5:3-4

[372] Warfare pg. 200-225

[373] Mormon 4:16-5:8; Mormon 8:1-9; Moroni 1:1-4

[374] Sierra Madre pg. 132; SW Indians pg. 72

[375] Mormon 5:3-4

[376] Prehistory pg. 254-278, 289

     "Most Mississippian sites and mounds are small, so the sheer size if the few well-known Mississippian sites is overwhelming. These sites are characterized by clusters of mounds, some of which are truncated pyramids, arranged around a plaza. There may be conical mounds adjacent, but they are arranged in on apparent pattern. Even today after centuries of erosion many sites reveal an encircling embankment; outside the palisade of posts atop the earthen embankment the borrow pit stood open as a moat. Villages were not always nearby or inside the palisade. Normally they were scattered though the farmlands in the valleys. These huge sites can be thought of as religious, administrative, or even economic centers such as are presaged in the Hopewellian sites and are common in Mexico and Central America."

[377] Prehistory pg. 233-246 (The Mississippian grew out of the Hopewell)

     "What can inferred from the above description? Whatever the reason, the central theme, the power of the interaction sphere lay in the mortuary ritual and the trappings that accompanied it. To call the force religious is to claim more than can be proved, but religion is a force that can flow across cultural and linguistic boundaries as an overlay or veneer upon the local cultures. To stretch the point, world history offers such obvious examples as the spread of Islam and Christianity. At any rate, a religious motivation for the Hopewellian cult is not totally unreasonable. Usually, religion implies a superordinate priesthood, that is, a class of specialists with superior status. Priest-chieftains combining both sacred and secular powers can be postulated. The presence of a priesthood suggests a stratified society, an idea supported by the rich grave offerings for a few of the dead. The huge earthen monuments and a probable artisan class suggest a measure of secular control over the community, perhaps resembling a corvee or labor tax. During Hopewell times, there was probably some intensification of the cultivation of native plants."

[378] Prehistory pg. 254-278

     "On festival or ritual days the plaza would be the scene of fiercely fought ball games akin to lacrosse or complicated dances done to the rhythm of drums and rattles and the music of many singers. Like the priests, the dancers would be colorfully dressed in rich costumes and ornaments. The Creek Busk or Green Corn festival of thanksgiving, held on the dance ground even into the twentieth century, probably preserves a faded vestige of the Mississippian splendor. Some of the rituals would have involved purification and long-drawn-out ceremonies of human sacrifice to one or another god, while the people from all supporting villages crowded the plaza to watch the dancers and the priests go in procession up the steep stairways to the summit of the mound, where the sacrificial climax was reached.
     At other times, the scene at the plaza would involve the death and burial of a priest-ruler. These rituals also involved many days of prescribed processions, feasts, and sacrifice. As already noted, DuPratz saw and reported a Natchez chieftain's burial ceremony in 1725. That mourning ceremony for Tattooed Serpent, Brother of the Sun, lasted for several days and involved all the Natchez villages. As part of the burial ceremony, the dead man's two wives and his "speaker," doctor, head servant, pipe bearer, and sister were ritually strangled. Several old women who, for one reason or another, had offered their lives were also strangled. The two wives were buried with the Tattooed Serpent in the temple, his speaker and one of the women were buried in front of the temple, and the others carried to their respective village temples for burial. His sister, also buried with him, was reported by DuPratz to have been reluctant to participate in the ceremony. As was customary, Tattooed Serpent's house was burned. The burial of personages within and near houses and the subsequent destruction of those houses by fire are well attested archaeologically."

[379] Prehistory pg. 263-266, 271-278

     "At about 1200 A.D., when the Mississippian cultures were approaching the height of their strength, a complex of exotic artifacts appeared. The distribution of these objects in pan-Mississippian.
     The objects are an exquisite expression of artistry combined with skilled craftsmanship. The artifacts were created in every medium: wood, shell, clay, stone, and hammered copper. The art is concerned with depicting animals, humans, mythical creatures, tools, and of motifs. The artifacts are not utilitarian but ornamental and are undoubtedly rich in conventional and symbolic meaning. As a subject for study they have attracted attention for a century. Much speculation has attended that study; the complex of artifacts is said to have been a death cult because of the skull, hand-eye, and other motifs. But the function of the artifacts served is not yet completely known."

[380] Prehistory pg. 271-278

     "The representations of human sacrifice in pipe sculpture, the daggers in the hands of some of the bird-man warriors or priests, severed heads, and many of the other symbols strongly suggest warfare or rituals of human sacrifice. Some of these artifacts and motifs are not new. Some seen to be a legacy from the Hopewell and even the Adena. On the other hand, the depiction of human sacrifice is interpreted by some as evidence of strong Mexican cultism, even perhaps of an increment of high-ranking individuals into the South. Others defend it as a climax phenomenon, developed autonomously in situ from the ceremonialism already evident throughout the East for some 2000 years. Some specialists in Southeast prehistory even deny cult or any coherent cluster of behavior surrounding the special objects. Instead they assert that the value of the cult artifacts is intrinsic. They hold that the wide dispersal of the objects, well beyond the Mississippian sphere of influence indicates that the rare exotics were created exclusively for trade."

[381] Mormon 2:15

[382] 2 Nephi 4:33-35; 28:30-32

[383] Atlas pg. 56, 60; Mysteries pg. 180-183, 186-187; because carbon dating gives such late dates for the large Mississippian complexes some authors do not distinguish between those building the huge ceremonial centers and the wandering groups that followed. If these theories are correct then there were over 1400 years for the Indian population to rebound and the collapse of such a large society into groups of wandering tribes is a definite evidence of the Book of Mormon.

[384] Atlas pg. 56, 60; Mysteries pg. 180-183, 186-187

[385] Mysteries pg. 187

[386] Evidences pg. 7-8 quoting: Squire, E.G.; Antiquities of New York; 1851.

[387] Mormon 6:1-22

[388] People pg. 120-149

"There can be little doubt that increased efficiency as a carnivore played an important role in the emergence of both archaic Homo sapiens and anatomically modern Homo sapiens sapiens.  We explored current thinking about the emergence of H. sapiens sapiens in tropical Africa and hypothesized that anatomically modern humans spread from the tropics into North Africa and the Near East in about 90,000 BC.  From there, H. sapiens may have intered Europe at the time of low sea level, crossing the land bridge that connected the Balkans with Turkey across the Bosphorus."

Israel pg. 25:  "Of the oldest known permanent settlements, far the most interesting to students of the Bible is that found in the lower levels of the mound of Jericho.  As we have said, Jericho was first settled at least as far back as 8000 BC.  But for many centuries little stood there save flimsy huts, which may represent no more than a long series of seasonal encampments.  There were ultimately succeeded, however, by a permanent town which  continued through many levels fo building in two distinct phases with a gap between, representing two successive Neolithic cultures before the invention of pottery.  From the extreme depth of the remains (up to forty-five feet), it is evident that these cultures endured for centuries, beginning before the end of the eighth millennium BC and lasting at least till the end of the seventh.  Nor can they be called primative.  Through much of its history the town protected by massive fortification of stone.  Houses were built of mud bricks of two distinct types, corresponding of the two phases of occupation mentioned above.  In the later of these phases, house floors and walls were plastered and polished, and frequently painted; traces of reed mats which covered the floors have been found.  Small clay figures of women and also domestic animals suggest the practice of the fertillity cult.  Unique statues of clay on reed frames, discovered some years ago, hint that high gods may have been worshipped in Neolithic Jericho; in groups of three, these possibly represent that ancient triad, the divine family: father, mother, and son.  Equally interesting are groups of human skulls (the bodies were buried elsewhere, as a rule under house floors) with the features modeled in clay and with shells for eyes."

[389] Abraham 1:23-24

[390] Israel pg. 27

"Meanwhile, sedentary life had also begun in Egypt.  Traces of the presence of man in Egypt go back to the Early Paleolithic Age, when the Nile Delta lay under the sea and its valley was a swampy jungle inhabited by wild animals.  We may assume that men had lived on the fringes of the valley ever since and had made their way into it to fish and to hunt, and subsequently to settle down.  By the Neolithic Age, when the geography of Egypt had assumed roughly its present shape, we may suppose that villages, first temorary, then permanent, had begun to be established.  But the transition to sedentary life cannot be documented in Egypt as it can in western Asia.  The earlist permanent villages presumably lie under deep layers of Nile mud.  The earliest village culture known to us is that of Fayum, followed by the slightly later one discovered at Merimde in the western Delta.  These are Neolithic cultures after the invention of pottery- thus somewhat parallel to the pottery Neolithic of western Asia.  Radiocarbon tests seem to place a Fayum in the latter half of the fifth millennium.  At this time, although agriculture had begun to be developed, swamp with villages few and far between.  Nevertheless, it is clear that in Egypt as elsewhere civilization had made its start- and some twenty-five hundred years before Abraham."

[391] Israel pg. 24-27

"The earliest permanent villages known to us made their appearance toward toward the end of the Stone Age, as far as back as the seventh, and even the eigth, millennium BC.  Before that, men for the most part lived in caves.
    The presence of obsidian tools (probably from Anatolia), turquoise (from Sinai). and cowrie shells (from the seacoast) points to trade relationships, whether direct or indirect, extending over considerable distances.  Neolithic Jericho is truly amazing.  Its people- whoever they may have been- were in the very vanguard of the march toward civilization (dare on believe it?) some five thousand years before Abraham!
    Village life continued to develop through the sixth millennium and into hte fifth, by which time villages and towns had been established almost everywhere."

People pg. 151-155:  "These and other Holocene climatic changes had profound effects in hunter-gatherer societies throughout the world, especially on the intensity of the food quest and complexity of their societies.  Why had such changes not occurred earlier in pre-history?  There had been climatic changes of similar, in not even greater, magnitude in early millennia, say during the early part of the last interglacial, some 128,000 years ago.  The reason may be population density.  Then, human populations were much smaller and a great deal of the world was uninhabited.  It was possible for human populations living in large territories to move around freely, to adapt to new circumstances by shifting their home land, even over large distances.  This ability enabled them to develop highly flexable survival strategies that took account of the constant fluctuations in food availability.  If, for example, an African band had experienced two dry years in a row, it could move away of fall back on less nutritious edible foods, perhaps species that required more energy to harvest."

[392] People pg. 248

"Deep-sea cores and pollen studies tell us that the Near Eastern climate was cool and dry from about 18,000 to 13,000 BC, during the late Weichsel.  Sea levels dropped more than 300 feet; much of the interior was covered by dry steppe, with forest restricted to the Levant and Turkish coasts.  Between 13,000 and 8000 BC, climatic conditions warmed up considerably, reaching a maximum about 3000 BC.  Forests expanded rapidly at the end of the Ice Age, for the climate was still cooler than today and considerably wetter.  Many areas of the Near East were richer in animal and plant species that they are now, making them highly favorable for human occupation."

Israel pg. 27:  "It was a period of amazing cultural flowering.  Agriculture, vastly improved and expanded, made possible both better nourishment and the support of an increasing density o f population.  Most of the cities were founded that were to play a part in Mesopotamian history for millenniums to come."

[393] Joshua 2:1-6:27

[394]  Neolithic pg. 33-47; Grolier, Jericho

Israel pg. 25-26:  (SAME AS NOTE 388 ABOVE)

[395]  Neolithic pg. 33-47; Grolier, Jericho

Israel pg. 25-26:  "These may have served some cultic purpose (possibly some form of ancestor worship), and certainly attest a marked artistic ability.  Bones of dogs, goats, pigs, sheep, an oxen indicate that animals were domesticated, while sickels, querns, and grinders attest to the cultivation of ceral crops.  From the size of the town and the paucity of naturally arable land around it, it has been inferred that a system of irrigation had developed."

[396] Joshua 6:1-27

[397]  Neolithic pg. 33-47; Grolier, Jericho

Israel pg. 25-26:  "On the Mediterranean coast, radiocarbon tests likewise indiate that the earliest settlement at Ras Shamra (again without pottery) reaches back into the seventh millennium.  In Palestine, too, prepottery Neolithic  settlements have been discoverd at various places, at least one of which (Bedia in Transjordan) is placed by radiocarbon tests in the early seventh millenium."

[398]  Neolithic pg. 33-47; Grolier, Jericho

Israel pg. 25-26:  (SAME AS NOTE 388 ABOVE)

[399] Neolithic pg. 42-47

Israel pg. 25-26, 31-32:  "The pottery, while not to be compared with the painted wares of Mesopotamia from an artistic point of view, shows technical excellence.  Houses were built of sun dried, handmade bricks, often on stone foundations.
    But it was in the Neolithic period that the transition from cave-dwelling to sedentary life, from a food-gathering to a food-producing economy, was completed and the building of permanent villages began to go foward.  With this, since there could have been no civilization without it, one can say that the march of civilization had begun. 
    Bones of dogs, goats, pigs, sheep, and oxen indicate that animals were domesticated, while sickles, querns, and grinders attest to the cultivation of ceral crops."

[400]   Chiapas Burials; Mediterranean pg. 65; Neolithic pg. 42-44

Zapotec pg. 71-75:  "At Tlapacoya, on the shores of Lake Chalco in the southern Basin of Mexico, Christine Niederberger excavated their remains of an Archaic group who she believes had already established "prolonged or permanent residency in the same site."  Her argument is that unusually rich environment of the Chalco lakeshore might have provided year-around food.  No permanent houses were found at the site, however.  And while plants and animals from the rainy season and the dry season were present in the refuse, the same was true at Guila Naquitz.  All that is necessary to collect them is for a group to arrive in August (late rainy season) and stay until January (mid-dry season)."

Mexico pg. 41-58:  "Houses were rectangular and about 20 ft (6 m) long, with slightly sunken floors of clay covered with river sand.  The sides of vertical canes between wooden posts, and were daubed with mud, and white-washed; roofs were thatched."

[401] Israel pg. 25-26, 31-32, 40-41

"Though Palestine never developed a material culture remotely comparable to the cultures of the Euphrates and the Nile, the third millennium witnessed remarkable progress in that land too.  Since this was broadly conincident with the heyday of Ebla, a connection is in every way likely.  It was a time of great urban development, when population increased, cites were built and, presumably, city-states established.  Many of the cites that later appear in the Bible are known from excavations to have been in existence: Jericho (rebuilt after a long abandonment), Megiddo, Beth-shan, Ai, Gezer, etc."

[402] Israel pg. 31-32

"Although the fourth millennium in Palestine remains obscure at a number of points, it is clear that it witnessed the development of village life in various parts of the land, with many places apparently being settled for the first time.  In this period Palestine seems to have fallen into two cultural provinces, one in the northern and centarl areas, the other in the south."

[403] 1 Kings 11:41-12:20; 2 Chronicles 9:29-11:4

[404] Israel pg. 31-32

(SAME AS NOTE 402 ABOVE)

[405] 2 Kings 15-17

[406] Early Bronze pg. 85-90; Israel pg. 27-36; Mediterranean pg. 58-72

[407]  Early Bronze pg. 88-90

Israel pg. 40-41:  "In Palestine the bulk of the third millennium falls into the period known by archaeologists as the Early Bronze.  This period- or a transitional phase leading into it- began late in the fourth millennium, as the Prooliterate culture flourished in Mesopotamia and the Gerzean in Egypt, and continued till the closing centuries of the third.  Though palestine never developed a material culture remotely comparable to the cultures of the Euphrates and the Nile, the third millennium witnessed remarkable progress in that land too.  Since this was boradly coincident with the heyday of Ebla, a connection is every way likely.  It was a time of great urban development, when population increased, cites were built and, presumably, city-states established."

[408] 2 Kings 24; 2 Chronicles 36

[409] Israel pg. 44

"In the latter part of the third millennium (roughly between the twenty-third and twentieth centuries), as we pass through the final phase of the Early Bronze Age into the first phase of the Middle Bronze- or perhaps enter a traditional period between the two- we encounter abundant evidence that life in Palestine suffered a major distruption at the hands of nomadic invaders who were pressing the land.  City after city was destroyed (as far as is known every major city was), some with incredible violence, and the Early Bronze civilization was brought to an end.  Similar disruption seems to have taken place in Syria.  These newcomers did not rebuild and occupy the cities they had destroyed.  Rather they (or the survivors of the Early Bronze culture) seem to have pursued a nomadic life on the fringes for a time; only gradually did they begin to build villages and settle down.  By the end of the third millennium such villages are known to have existed especially in Transjordan in the Jordan valley, and southward in the Negeb; but they were small, poorly constructed, and without material pretensions.  It was not until approximately the ninteenth century, when a fresh and vigorous cultral influence spread across the lands, that urban life can be said to have resumed."

[410] 2 Kings 24-25; 2 Chronicles 36

[411] Early Bronze pg. 88-90

Israel pg. 36-38:  "In the twenty-fourth century, a dynasty of Semitic rulers seized power and created the first true empire in world history.  The founder was Sargon, a figure whose origins are cloaked in myth.  Rising to power in Kish, he overthrew Lugalzaggisi of Erech and subdued all Sumer as far as the Persian Gulf.  Then, transferring his residence to Akkad (of unknown location, but near the later Babylon), he emabrked on a series of conquests which became legendary."

[412] 2 Chronicles 36:20-21 (1-21); 2 Kings 25

[413] Israel pg. 44

(SAME AS NOTE 409 ABOVE)

[414] Israel pg. 41-43, 48-49

"We have seen that in the twenty-fourth century power passed from the Sumerian city-states to the Semitic kings of Akkad, who created a great empire.  After the conquests of Naramisn, however, the power of Akkad rapidly waned and soon after 2200 was brought to an end by the onslaught of a barbarian people called the Guti."

[415] 2 Chronicles 36:22-23; Ezra 1-3

[416] Israel pg. 54-55

"Beginning by the nineteenth century, however, western Palestine experienced a remarkable recovery under the impulse of a fresh and vigorous cultral influence that was spreading over the whole of Palestine and Syria; strong cites began once more to be built, and urban life to flourish, perhaps as new groups of immigrants arrived, and as increasing numbers of seminomads setteled down."

[417] Israel pg. 41-64

"Many of the cites that later appear in the Bible are known from excavations to have been in existence: Jericho (rebuilt after a long abandonment), Megiddo, Beth-shan, Ai, Gezer, etc. (the Ebla texts are said to mention yet others, including Jerusalem).  These cities, though scarcely magnificent, were suprisingly well built and strongly fortified, as the excavations show."

[418] Israel pg. 64-66

"By this time, too, the partriarchal simplicity of Amorite seminomadic life had all but vanished.  Cities were numerous, well constructed and, as we have seen, strongly fortified.  There was a general increase in population, together with a marked advance in material culture.  The city-state system characteristic of Palestine until the Isralite conquest seems to have been developed, with the land divided into various petty kingdoms, or provinces, each with its own ruler- who was no doubt subject to higher control from without.  Society was feudal in structure, with wealth most unevenly divided; alongside the fine houses of partricians one finds the hovels of half-free serfs.  Nevertheless the cities of the day give evidnce of a prosperity such as Palestine seldom knew in ancient times."

[419] Israel pg. 107-120, 130-133

"In the Late Bronze Age, Egypt entered her period of Empire, during which she was unquestionably the dominat nation in the world.  Architects of the Empire were the Pharaohs of the Eighteenth Dynasty, a house that was founded as the Hyksos were expelled from Egypt and that retained power for some two hundred and fifty years, bringing to Egypt a strength and a prestige unequaled in all her long history."

[420] Israel pg. 114-115

"When Ramesses II died after a long and glorious reign, his successor was his thirteenth son, Marniptah, who was already past middle life.  Marniptah was not allowed to live out his brief reign in peace.  A time of of confusion was beginning which was to see all western Asia plunged into turmoil, and which the Ninteenth Dynasty did not survive.
    Though Marniptah mastered the situation, he did not long survive his triumph.  Then, after several rulers of no importance, the dynasty ended in a period of confusion about which little is known.  We can scarcely doubt that during these disturbed years Egyptian control of Palestine virtually left off- a circumstance that surely aided Isreal in consolidating her position in that land."

[421] Israel pg. 115-117

" 'Amorite,' on the other hand, was, as we have seen, an Akkadian word meaning 'Westerner,' various Northwest-Semitic peoples of Upper Mesopotamia and Syria, from among whom Israel's own ancestors had come.  These nomadic elements which had infiltrated Palestine at the end of the Early Bronze Age and had roamed and settled especially in the mountainous interior were established in Transjordan.  But though there are passages where the Bible seems to perserve a distinction between the two peoples (e.g., Num, 13:29; Deut. 1:7, where the Amorites are placed in the mountians, the Canaanites by the sea), for the most part it uses the terms loosely if not synonymously.  There is a justification for this in that, by the time of the conquest, the "Amorites," having been in the land for centuries, had so thoroughly assimilated the language, social organization, and culture of Cannaan that little remained to distinguish one group from the other.  The dominant pre-Israelite population was thus in race and language not different from Israel herself."

[422] Israel pg. 137-143

"During the period of the Empire, as we have seen, Palestine was divided into a number of relatively small city-states, each of which was ruled by a king who, as the Pharaoh's vassal, exercised control over the outlying towns and villages of his modest domain.  Society was feudal in structure, consisting of a hereditary patrician class, a pesantry that was only half free, and numerous slaves, but apparently with very little of a middle class.  Under such a system the lot of the poor was hard, and it scarcely improved as centuries of Egyptian taxation and misrule drained the land of its wealth.  Moreover, the endless quarrels between city lords, which Egypt often chose to ignore, must have been disastrous for poor villagers, who were often unable to work their fields and were taxed and concripted to boot.  The Amarna letters let us see the situation clearly.  They also show us  'Apiru making trouble from one end of the land to the other.  As we have said, these 'Apiru were not newcomers pressing in from the desert.  Rather, they were rootless people without place in established society, who had either been alienated from it or never integrated within it, and who eked out an existence in remoter areas on its fringes; they readily turned into freebooters and bandits.  Slaves, abused peasants, and ill-paid mercenaries would be tempted to run away and join them- i.e., to "become Hebrews."  Sometimes whole areas went over to them.  We have seen how they succeeded in gaining control of a considerable domain centerd upon Schechem.  The city lords feared these people, implored the Pharaoh for protection against them, and accused on another of consorting with them.  Their fears were well grounded: the system of which they were a part was threatened."

[423] Israel pg. 129-133 (107-143)

"The problem arises in part of the Bible itself, for the Bible does not present us with one single, coherent account of the conquest.  According to the main account (Josh., chs, 1 to 12), the conquest represented a concerted effort by all Isreal, and was sudden, bloody, and complete. 
    Still we must reckon with the possibility that in certain cases there has been a telescoping  of events in the Biblical tradition.  The Israelite "conquest" of Palestine was actually a long drawn-out affair; it began with the partiarchal migrations far back in the Bronze Age, and it was not finally completed until the time of David.  The Isreal that emerged drew together within its structure groups of traditions of conquests made by their ancestors as they came into the land, and it  is conceivable that, as the normative conquest tradition took shape, events that took place at widely separated times may have been combined within it- under the rubric of "conquest", one might say."

[424] Israel pg. 129-133

"It has long been the fashion to credit the latter picture at the expense of the former.  The narative of Joshua is part of a great history of Israel from Moses to the exile, comprising the books Dueteronomy-Kings and first composed probably late in the seventh century.  Many think that the picture of an unified invasion of Palestine is the author's idealization.  They regard the narratives as a row of separate traditions, chiefly of an etiological character (i.e., developed to explain the origin of some custom or landmark) and of minimal historical value, originally unconnected with one another or, for the most part, with Joshua- who was an Ephraimite tribal hero who was secondarily made into the leader of a united Isreal.  They hold that there was no violent conquest at all, but that the Israelite tribes occupied Palestine by a gradual, and for the most part peaceful, process of infiltration.  But this understanding of the matter would seem to be as one-sided as the conventional one, which viewed the conquest as a single, massive, organized military operation.  Both views doubtless contain elements of truth.  But the actual events that established Israel on the soil of Palestine were assuredly vastly more complex than a simplistic presentation of either view would suggest."

[425] Compare Israel pg. 114-117, 137-143 to Israel pg. 414-427; I would also recommend using a good encyclopedia and comparing cultures such as the Ptolemies to Egypt’s New Kingdom and the Seleucids to the Hittites.

[426] Israel pg. 114-115, 174-176 (this book becomes increasingly difficult to use as a reference after the Late Bronze because the author begins to intertwine the Bible with the archaeology and does not clearly state the sources for his interpretations); Grolier, Sea Peoples

[427] Israel pg. 114-115; Grolier, Sea Peoples

"Among the Peoples of the Sea, Marniptah lists Shardina, 'Aqiwasha, Turusha, Ruka (Luka), and Shakarusha.  These people, some of whom (Luka, Shardina) we have met as mercenaries at the battle of Kadesh, were of Aegean origin, as their names indicate: e.g., Luka are Lycians, 'Aqiwasha(also the Ahhiyawa of western Asia Minor), are probably Acaeans; Shardina would subsequently give their name to Sardinina,..."

[428] Israel pg. 174-176, 179, 185, 194

"The Philistines, who dominated the Palestinian seacoast and occupied strategic points through the Plain of Esdraelon and into the Jordan valley, had the center of their power in a pentapolis consisting of Gaza, Ashkelon, Ashdod, Ekron, and Gath, each of which was ruled by a "tyrant."
    The Philistines were the sort of foe with which Israel's loose organization could not cope.  They were not, apparently, a particularly numerous people, but rather a military aristocracy which ruled a predominantly Canaanite population with whom, as the names of their gods and most of their personal names indicate, they progressively amalgamated.  They seem, however, to have been fromidable fighters with a strong military tradition.  Perhaps because they saw in Israel a threat to their security, or to the security of trade routes leading inland from the coast, they moved to gain control of the whole of western Palestine.  They were thus a menace to Israel such as she had never been called on to face before.  Unlike previous foes, the Philistines did not pose a limited threat that concerned only adjacent tribes, nor one that the tribal rally could deal with at a blow; aiming at conquest, they threatened Israel in her totality and with her life.  There were, moreover, disciplined soldiers whose weapons, owing especially to their monopoly on iron, were superior.  Where terrain permitted it, they also made use of the chariot.  What is more, although without a single central government, their city tyrants had the ability to act concertedly- something Canaanite kings seldom did, and never for long.  The ill-trained, ill-equiped Israelite tribal levies could stand little chance against such a foe in open battle."